APPEAL ARGUMENTS -Case #1544, Elliott v. Holder
A) The Court cannot countenance discrimination affecting prosecutions
While the Appellant-petitioner acknowledges that it is the executive’s responsibility to execute the law, he asserts that it is the duty of the judiciary (as Appellant notes in Pet.#12) to “say what the law is” Marbury v. Madison, ensuring the proper, equal administration of justice in the Executive’s execution of the law. And, Appellant notes at Pet.#18, the Court said in Boumediene v. Bush, it is the “duty and authority of the Judiciary to call the jailer to account” and “protect against the cyclical abuses of the writ(or the 5th and 8th Amendment) by the Executive.” While the Judiciary respects prosecutorial discretion, the Court cannot countenance discrimination affecting prosecutorial decisions in light of due process protections from the 5th Amendment, as decided in Wayte v. United States 470 U.S. 598,”The decision to prosecute may not be 'deliberately based upon an unjustifiable standard such as race, religion, or other arbitrary classification. " And, Washington v. Davis, 426 US 229, that demonstration of intent is necessary to show discrimination is not incidental, eg, “I will not criminalize policy differences”.B)
Prosecutorial Discrimination
Appellant charges that the opinion of the judge declining his petition completely ignores his repeated arguments in his petition that the Attorney General, Eric Holder has been engaging in prosecutorial discrimination, even though he even entitled his petition, "re:Prosecutorial discrimination". At Pet. #3,#13, #16 the Petitioner-appellant had referred to the Court's opinion in " Wayte v. United States 470 U.S. 598, "the decision to prosecute may not be 'deliberately based upon an unjustifiable standard such as race, religion, or other arbitrary classification.” Petitioner begs the Court recognize that "soldiers, agents, or White House Officials" are arbitrary classifications of individuals participating in the same criminal scheme of torture and abuse, Thus, the Attorney General discriminates by arbitrary classification when he favors the class of White House Officials by failing to prosecute them despite what Rep. John Conyers, whose Judiciary Committee has investigated the issue of torture offenses by the US, has said is "reams of evidence incriminating White House officials”, as noted by Appellant at Pet. #19, although numerous soldiers have been prosecuted.
C) Expressed Intent to Discriminate
Petitioner-appellant notes at Pet. #3, #14, and #15, the Court has said in Washington v. Davis, 426 US 229, that demonstration of intent is necessary to show discrimination is not incidental. The Attorney General's intention to discriminate has been telegraphed by Mr. Holder, when, in Congressional testimony, he stated that "I will not criminalize policy differences". Since policies are developed and directed by White House Officials, he is making it clear he intends to discriminate by “arbitrary classification” by Not prosecuting this class of "former Bush White House officials", even while soldiers and agents have been or are going to be prosecuted for the torture they, the same former White House officials had instigated and directed, is discriminatory as regards “classification“(see Pet.#19). Such a stated intention by Holder fulfills the Court's requirement of Washington v. Davis, 426 US 229, showing an intention to discriminate by the Attorney General, to prove that there has been discrimination in the process of prosecutorial decision-making, disallowed by the Court in Wayte v. United States.
D) Holder’s Discrimination Compromises his Unbridled Discretion
Appellant pleads that the Court’s “duty and authority… to call the jailer to account“(Boumediene v. Bush)-Pet.#18, regarding demonstrated prosecutorial discrimination is to involve itself enough to ensure the equal administration of justice without discrimination by removing the discriminatory ban on prosecuting the class of Bush White House officials. Because of his demonstrated discrimination regarding prosecution of crimes of torture, the Court needs to involve itself to the extent that it ensures the independence and wide latitude of the prosecutor appointed by the Attorney General, who is reportedly poised to appoint to prosecute the crimes of torture committed by US personnel. Under such circumstances the Attorney General’s prosecutorial function is more ministerial than discretionary.
E) No Class is Above the Law
As Petitioner-appellant notes in Pet. #3 The Court said in Marbury v. Madison, "If one of the heads of departments(or government) commits any illegal act, under the color of his office, by which an individual sustains an injury, it cannot be pretended that his office alone exempts him from ...the judgment of the law"". In Marbury the Court is clearly saying that the "color of office" offers no protection from prosecution and "..the judgment of the law" (-there is no "protected class" in the United States, immune from prosecution, including the class of Bush White House officials), particularly if, "by which an individual sustains an injury". Certainly innumerable individuals have been seriously, and hideously injured, including those Islamic detainees who've been tortured, some, to death(over a hundred Islamic detainees have been killed while in US custody)-noted by Appellant-petitioner in Pet.#17). The prosecutor appointed by Holder needs the independence and latitude to prosecute any concomitant felonies it finds evidence for, including fraud, perjury and manslaughter.
F) Torture began with Political motives NOT national defense
Appellant-Petitioner notes at Pet.#5, ”the policy of "harsh interrogations", that is, torture, began with the torture of Ibn al-Shaykh al- Libi in January of 2002 who had already told his FBI interrogators all he knew. The White House wanted “harsher interrogation”(torture) used on Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi . The FBI, to their credit, refused. The CIA complied, however, and he was tortured until he told his tormentors what they wanted to hear. That is, he was subjected to ever-harsher interrogation techniques, that is, torture, until he fabricated a tale linking Saddam Hussein with Al Qaeda, by claiming that Saddam Hussein had offered to train two al-Qaeda operatives in the use of chemical and biological weapons to provide a justification for the Invasion of Iraq. At Pet.#19 appellant notes Colin Powell's former chief of staff, Col. Lawrence Wilkerson testified: >“what I have learned is that as the administration authorized harsh interrogation in April and May of 2002” -- well before the Justice Department had rendered any legal opinion -- “its principal priority for intelligence was not aimed at pre-empting another terrorist attack on the U.S. but discovering a smoking gun linking Iraq and al-Qa'ida.”
Thus, Bush White House officials initiated the policy of harsh interrogations, that is, torture, not for purpose of defense of the US, but rather for the purpose of politically further advancing the criminal enterprise including perjuries and fraud to justify misleading the US into an unwarranted invasion of Iraq, which had been the goal of the Bush White House officials since the beginning of the Bush administration, according to former Bush administration insiders Paul O’Neil and Richard Clarke -see Pet.#17 and Pet.#23. Crimes which result in death have no statute of limitations.G)
G.Torture part of larger criminal enterprise
Although the Defense Department’s own Defense Intelligence Agency had concluded and informed the White House, in February 2002, that Ibn al-Libi was “intentionally misleading” his interrogators(he was trying to end the torture), the lies he had been tortured to tell endured and were used by the Bush White House policy-makers to reinforce their perjuries and fraud to Congress as justification to invade Iraq.-Pet.#5 Poor Ibn Libi’s tortured fabrications even made it into Colin Powell’s speech in February 2003 before the UN as justifications for invading Iraq. Thus, the crimes of torture committed by Bush White House officials are a part a larger criminal enterprise including the perjuries and fraud that led to the Iraq war, which has cost the US its treasure and thousands of lives. The prosecutor Newsweek has reported Holder is close to appointing, however, reportedly will have only a narrow focus on rogue CIA Agents, because of the stated intention of Prosecutorial discrimination by the Attorney General, ie. “I will not criminalize policy differences”, the Court has cause to involve itself, to the extent that it makes sure the class of “Bush White House officials” are not treated as a privileged class, immune from prosecution, by ensuring the prosecutor appointed by the Attorney General has complete independence and a wide scope and latitude. Marbury v Madison, "If one of the heads of departments(or government) commits any illegal act, under the color of his office, by which an individual sustains an injury, it cannot be pretended that his office alone exempts him from ...the judgment of the law" -Pet 13.
H) Torture of Islamics an Hate Crime
In order to generate fear and hate to justify their plans for war, the Bush Administration demonized Islamics, with scary propaganda about “Islamic terrorism” and “Islamic extremists”. All of the hundreds, maybe thousands of victims have been Islamics. Petitioner claims that prosecutions for crimes of torture against Islamic detainees would have been far more widespread and vigorous had the victims been of another religion, just as crimes against Jews in Pre-war Germany or blacks in the pre-war South were infrequently prosecuted. The discriminatory victimization of Islamic detainees by the Bush administration has been tacitly continued by Attorney General Holder in his decision to continue to fail to vigorously prosecute all who evidence indicates are guilty of torture, including the class of Bush White House Officials; the Court's opinion in Wayte v. United States 470 U.S. 598, "the decision to prosecute may not be 'deliberately based upon an unjustifiable standard such as race, religion, or other arbitrary classification.” Pet.#2, 11.
I) On-Scene Investigation Insights
Investigating officer Gen.(Ret.) Antonio Taguba :"...the fact is that we violated the laws of land warfare in Abu Ghraib. We violated the tenets of the Geneva Convention. We violated our own principles and we violated the core of our military values. The stress of combat is not an excuse, and I believe, even today, that those civilian and military leaders responsible should be held accountable.” , New Yorker 6/25/07
"There is no longer any doubt as to whether this (Bush)administration has committed war crimes. The Commander-in-Chief and those under him authorized a systematic regime of torture. The only question that remains to be answered is whether those who ordered the use of torture will be held to account." — Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba in 2004,investigating officer -Pet.#22
Thursday, January 7, 2010
Wednesday, December 23, 2009
Sunday, December 20, 2009
Appendix of Petition and Appeal, 10/30/09
Appendix of Petition and Appeal, filed 10/30/09
No.09-5299 09-cv-01544
Appendix -documentation of Petition’s, Appeal’s points
2) (#1) Confirmation hearings; Republicans seek assurances that new leaders at the Justice Department will not prosecute former government officials over national security abuses;
Holder Says He Will Not Criminalize Policy Differences - http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/01/24/AR2009012401856.html?sid=ST2009012402392
(#1A) It's official: No U.S. prosecution of Bush officials
http://rawstory.com/blog/2009/04/its-official-no-us-prosecution-of-bush-officials/
(#1B) Obama Resisting Push for Interrogation Panel
Mr. Obama said a special inquiry would steal time and energy from his policy agenda, and could mushroom into a wider distraction looking back at the Bush years, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/24/us/pohttp://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/24/us/politics/24cong.html
(#2) The United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment sets out in clear language the nature of torture., and obligations of governments to prevent and prosecute those responsible for the crime, to provide training and education http://www.irct.org/what-is-torture/convention-against-torture.aspx
3.) (#3) news reports, quoting unnamed sources, say that if Holder decides in the coming weeks to authorize a criminal investigation it would be
limited to the “few bad apples” at the CIA who exceeded interrogation limits set by Justice Department attorneys in memos that authorized brutal acts of torture against suspected terrorists. http://pubrecord.org/law/2948/holder-torture-probe-would-likely/
However, such a decision would both legitimize the flawed memos of Justice Department attorneys by using them as the standard to determine prosecutable criminality, and would treat the Bush administration staff as a “protected, privileged class” granting impunity to those in the Bush administration who were using torture as a means to further advance their criminal conspiracy. The United States is a nation of laws under our esteemed Constitution and by extension of the Supremacy clause, the ratified Geneva Treaties, not a nation of memos.
4) (#4) Plaintiff notes that the defendant himself has acknowledged that water-boarding is torture, although the procedure is allowed under the guidelines in the infamous "Bybee Memo.” “Enforcing the nation's laws should not be a political decision," said ACLU executive director Anthony Romero,
"These memos provide yet more incontrovertible evidence that Bush administration officials at the highest level of government authorized and gave legal blessing to acts of torture that violate domestic and international law," he says. “Through these memos, Justice Department lawyers authorized interrogators to use the most barbaric interrogation methods, including methods that the US once prosecuted as war crimes" http://www.csmonitor.com/2009/0417/p02s04-usgn.html
In addition to waterboarding, the 2002 Bybee memo authorized slapping, pushing, confinement in a small, dark space, painful stress positions, and sleep deprivation for up to 11 days. It also approved a request to lock Abu Zubaydah in a confinement box with an insect.
JURIST Contributing Editor Jordan Paust of the University of Houston Law Center says that far from providing real legal cover for CIA harsh interrogations, the newly disclosed second Bybee memo is a "smoking gun" providing further evidence of serial criminality and demonstrating beyond reasonable doubt why a memo writer is reasonably accused of complicity whether or not he knew that certain conduct would be “torture”.... http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/forumy/2009/04/second-bybee-memo-smoking-gun.php
(#4A)This is an effort by a number of people to demand the investigation and indictment of those who organized the recent U.S. wave of torture around the world. http://mikeely.wordpress.com/2009/09/12/tortured-logic/
This video’s self-description: “reading directly from a memo authored by Jay Bybee, former head of the Justice Departments Office of Legal Counsel under the Bush administration“.
The memo was released in April as part of a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit filed by the ACLU.“ http://www.aclu.org/torturedlogic/
(#4B)… lawyers were colluding with administration officials in setting policy, rather than providing objective legal analysis. Already, extensive evidence exists, including Yoo’s own writings, showing that he participated in high-level administration meetings to discuss and set policy.
For instance, in his 2006 book War by Other Means, Yoo describes his involvement in frequent White House meetings regarding what “other means” should receive a legal stamp of approval. Yoo, who was a deputy assistant attorney general assigned to the powerful Office of Legal Counsel at the Justice Department, wrote:
“As the White House held its procession of Christmas parties and receptions in December 2001, senior lawyers from the Attorney General’s office, the White House counsel’s office, the Departments of State and Defense and the NSC [National Security Council] met a few floors away to discuss the work on our opinion. …”
“This group of lawyers would meet repeatedly over the next months to develop policy on the war on terrorism. We certainly did not all agree, nor did we always get along, but we all believed that we were doing what was best for the nation and its citizens.”
“Meetings were usually chaired by Alberto Gonzales,” who was then White House counsel and later became Bush’s second Attorney General. Yoo identified other key players as Timothy Flanigan, Gonzales’s deputy; William Howard Taft IV from State; John Bellinger from the NSC; William “Jim” Haynes from the Pentagon; and David Addington, counsel to Vice President Dick Cheney.
What Yoo’s book and other evidence make clear is that the lawyers from the Justice Department’s OLC weren’t just legal scholars handing down opinions from an ivory tower; they were participants in how to make Bush’s desired actions “legal” even if the arguments were professionally flawed. http://www.mcclatchydc.com/detainees/story/38886.html
5) (#5)The White House orders the FBI to hand Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi over to the CIA. Soon after, Ibn al-Libi is flown to a site in Egypt. [Newsweek, 6/21/2004 http://www.newsweek.com/id/54093; Washington Post, 6/27/2004 http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A8534-2004Jun26.html
Senior administration officials kept insisting the interrogators weren't pushing hard enough, http://www.mcclatchydc.com/227/story/66622.html
(#6)Al-Libi is subjected to a series of increasingly harsh techniques http://www.commondreams.org/headlines05/1209-07.htm , including at least one, waterboarding, that is considered torture. http://www.historycommons.org/timeline.jsp?timeline=torture,_rendition,_and_other_abuses_against_captives_in_iraq,_afghanistan,_and_elsewhere&startpos=200#amid0302tentechniques
Reputedly, he is finally broken after being waterboarded and then forced to stand naked in a cold cell overnight where he is repeatedly doused with cold water by his captors. In order to avoid harsh treatment he will also provide false information to the Egyptians, alleging that Iraq trained al-Qaeda members in bomb making and poisons and gases. [ABC News, 11/18/2005 http://abcnews.go.com/WNT/Investigation/story?id=1322866 ;
New York Times, 12/9/2005] http://www.commondreams.org/headlines05/1209-07.htm
New York Times, November 6, 2005 By DOUGLAS JEHL http://www.nytimes.com/2006/09/10/washington/10detain.html?_r=1&scp=2&sq=&st=nyt , http://www.newsweek.com/id/196818
(#7) Report Warned Bush Team About Intelligence skepticism regarding Ibn Libi's tortured account, still President Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney, Colin L. Powell, then secretary of state, and other administration officials repeatedly cited Mr. Libi's information as "credible" evidence that Iraq was training Al Qaeda members in the use of explosives and illicit weapons. http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/06/politics/06intel.html?pagewanted=print
(#8) The use of abusive interrogation —widely considered torture —as part of Bush's quest for a rationale to invade Iraq came to light as the Senate issued a major report tracing the origin of the abuses. Former Powell chief of staff Lawrence Wilkerson wrote,
“So furious was this effort that on one particular detainee, even when the interrogation team had reported to Cheney’s office that their detainee “was compliant” (meaning the team recommended no more torture), the VP’s office ordered them to continue the enhanced methods,” Wilkerson added. “The detainee had not revealed any al-Qa’ida-Baghdad contacts yet. This ceased only after Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi, under waterboarding in Egypt, “revealed” such contacts. Of course later we learned that al-Libi revealed these contacts only to get the torture to stop.”
http://rawstory.com/08/news/2009/05/14/ex-bush-official-says-torture-approved-in-effort-to-tie-iraq-to-al-qaeda/
Hubris: The Inside Story of Spin, Scandal, and the Selling of the Iraq War , Isikoff and Corn, 2006, pp. 121] Vincent Cannistraro, former head of the CIA’s Counterterrorist Center, will later say: “He’s carried off to Egypt... And we know that he’s going to be tortured.... http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/darkside/etc/script.html
(#9)Report Warned Bush Team About Intelligence Suspicions - New York Times WASHINGTON, Nov. 5 - A high Qaeda official in American custody was identified as a likely fabricator months before the Bush administration began to use his statements as the foundation for its claims that Iraq trained Al Qaeda members to use biological and chemical weapons, according to newly declassified portions of a Defense Intelligence Agency document.
The document, an intelligence report from February 2002, said it was probable that the prisoner, Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi, "was intentionally misleading the debriefers" in making claims about Iraqi support for Al Qaeda's work with illicit weapons. (he was making stuff up to get his torturers to stop tormenting him.) www.nytimes.com/2005/11/06/politics/06intel.html - Similar
(#9A) A strong case can be made that VP Dick Cheney and President Bush led a conspiracy of certain members of his administration to commit fraud and perjury with intent to deceive in his State of the Union address on January 28th, 2003 regarding Iraq's acquisition of special aluminum tubing purported to be used in nuclear processing, the purported attempt by Iraq to purchase enriched uranium, the purported possession of huge stocks of WMD, that is, chemical weapons, and the purported "immanent threat" Iraq posed to the United States. Charges: Violations of 18 USC section 1031, MAJOR FRAUD ACT of 1988, Violations of 18 USC section 1001, FRAUD AND FALSE STATEMENTS Violated, 18 USC Section 1002, POSSESSION of FALSE PAPERS to DEFRAUD the UNITED STATES Violated 18 USC section 371, CONSPIRACY TO COMMIT OFFENSE OR TO DEFRAUD UNITED STATES Violations of The MAJOR FRAUD ACT of 1988, 18 USC section 1031 : That former US VP Dick Cheney and former President Bush, in collusion with others, did instigate and perpetuate a conspiracy to commit fraud on the people and government of the United States by fraudulently and deceptively manipulating information presented to the public and in a joint session of Congress in a State of the Union address January 28th, 2003 as well as in testimony given to Congress in Congressional hearings both public and private, including accusations known to be dubious or false about Iraqi attempts to procure uranium according to numerous reports including: January 12, 2003 - The State Department INR(bureau of Intelligence and Research) expresses concerns to the CIA that the Iraq-Niger documents are forgeries. (INR memo, p. 3) January 13, 2003 -The chief INR Iraq nuclear analyst circulates an e-mail to intelligence community analysts warning that "the uranium purchase agreement probably is a hoax." (SSCI). (#9B) President Bush also claimed in the 2003 State of the Union address(http://www.cnn.com/2003/ALLPOLITICS/01/28/sotu.transcript/) that all intelligence agencies had determined that Iraq was trying to purchase aluminum tubes suitable for nuclear centrifuges(“Our intelligence sources tell us that he has attempted to purchase high-strength aluminum tubes suitable for nuclear weapons production.” . He said this despite a January 10, 2003, Senior Executive Memorandum given to Rice, Cheney, and dozens of other high-level Bush administration policy makers on the aluminum tubes issue emphasizing that the INR, DOE and the IAEA all believed that the aluminum tubes procured by Iraq were for conventional weapons, as well as other reports stating that the aluminum tubes in question were probably NOT for nuclear purposes. So, President Bush and others knew or should have known the charges about the aluminum tubes and about Iraqi attempts to buy uranium were false, or at least, misleading. What Bush Was Told About Iraq By Murray Waas, National Journal,© National Journal Group Inc.,Thursday, March 2, 2006 http://www.nationaljournal.com/about/njweekly/stories/2006/0302nj1.htmFormer President Bush and his administration was presenting these issues about the purported attempts of uranium purchases and about the purchase of aluminum tubing as supposedly solid proofs that Iraq had an ongoing nuclear program and as reasons to go to war with Iraq, although the record clearly shows that the Bush administration was not at all certain of the veracity of these claims because of reports given to them that both claims were bogus, that is to say very dubious or untrue, and history shows that assessment was correct. However the record seems to show that the Bush administration was determined to bring the US to war with Iraq even if it mean lying to Congress and the American people about these issues and defrauding the US government. The purpose of this conspiracy of fraud was, among other things, to enrich the Halliburton Corporation, for which Cheney had been CEO and of which he still has vested interest in and enrich, as well as defense contractors and oil companies, chief donors to his election campaigns. President Bush had stated that he wanted to be a war-time President to help push his legislative agenda. . (#9C) President Bush's infamous 16 words, "The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa," was a disingenuous, misleading statement, and he and his staff knew it. And President Bush repeated the claim that Iraq's Aluminum tubes were for nuclear centrifuges without acknowledging that the INR, DOE and the IAEA all believed that the aluminum tubes procured by Iraq were for conventional weapons What Bush Was Told About Iraq, 2006-03-03By Murray Waas, National Journalhttp://www.afterdowningstreet.org/node/8440, with the intent of terrorizing the American people and US Congress to justify waging war against Iraq. And thereby risking and wasting American blood(some 4,500 US soldiers killed thus far) and treasure(estimated to cost the +US $1.5 Trillion) in a pre-emptive war which was not necessary.(No WMD, no eminent threat to US or its allies). Yet Cheney and Bush's friends and donors in defense contractors including Halliburton, a company VP Cheney has vested interest, in benefited tangibly and substantially. Former Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neil and Terrorism expert Richard Clarke saw, in the White House, pre-9/11 maps of Iraq with its oil fields divvied up between the oil companies (Iraqi Oil fields http://www.judicialwatch.org/IraqOilMap.pdf, http://www.judicialwatch.org/IraqOilFrgnSuitors.pdf which reveals a motive for the plot to fraudulently mislead the United States and reveals that it had been developing since at least the beginning days of the Bush administration in the Spring of 2001. (#9C) Yet the January 28th, 2003 speech by Bush was a State of the Union address mandated by Article 2, section 3 of the US Constitution, before a joint session of Congress and was accordingly solemnly received and considered worthy and the truthful fulfillment of a Presidential duty. Arguably, President Bush was under his Presidential oath of office: "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.", as he gave his Constitutionally mandated State of the Union Address before a joint session of Congress as well as many millions of Americans and any misstatements or misrepresentations in his 2003 State of the Union address are fraudulent, perjuries and felonious. And especially villainous, as it led to the deaths or maiming of hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, innocent civilians as well as soldiers, and the death or maiming of many thousands of US soldiers. In any event, lying to Congress is against the law whether or not one is under oath. It wasn't until July 9th, 2003, over three months since the war had started, that Presidential spokesman Ari Fleisher acknowledged that "it's now known what was not known by the White House prior to the speech. This information should not have risen to the level of a Presidential speech." Yet as I've delineated above, the White House DID, in fact, know about the dubious nature of the claims about Iraq prior to the State of the Union speech(and there is extensive, documented evidence to prove the White House was made aware of the dubious nature of these claims well before the January 28th, 2003, State of the Union address). The State of the Union speech was given on January 28th and the war started on March 20th, after President Bush warned the UN Inspectors to leave Iraq. There was plenty of time for the administration to stop the headlong rush to war as the truth about the spurious nature of the allegations against Iraq was revealed. Part of the proof that the Bush administration did not care about the veracity of the accusations it made against Iraq in the 2003 State of the Union address is that although there was much public discourse in the months after the President's address about the many reports which revealed the accusations against Iraq therein to be spurious, the Bush administration proceeded relentlessly with the war against Iraq. UN weapons inspectors were on the ground in Iraq, doing a good and thorough job until the Bush administration warned them to get out before the US bombardment of Iraq began in 3/03. (#9E) The deceptions included in the 2003 State of the Union address also violated 18 USC section 1001, FRAUD AND FALSE STATEMENTS in several ways. For instance, lying about non-existent uranium purchases would "falsify, conceal or cover up a material fact " that the purchase never occurred. Lying also obviously violates section 2 of the statute: "makes any materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or representation". Knowing reliance upon the forged documents would violate section 3 of the statute: "uses any false writing or document knowing the same to contain any materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or entry". The letter obtained by Italian intelligence and later by British intelligence that purported to show that Iraq had tried to purchase uranium from Niger had long been considered by many to be a crude forgery, yet when same letter came to the attention of British intelligence, some in the White House conspiracy pretended that the forged letter had suddenly acquired credibility and let it be included in the final draft of the 2003 State of the Union address. The claims President Bush made in the 2003 State of the Union address regarding Iraq purchase of aluminum tubes suitable for uranium processing was contrary to what a report from the Department of Energy, in early January of 2203, asserted regarding the tubes. And President Bush claimed UN Inspectors believed Iraq had huge Sock-piles of WMD, which is a complete misrepresentation of United Nations reports Instead, U.N. inspectors expressed doubt, stating they had dismantled Iraq's key weapons-making facilities and destroyed most existing WMD. A September 2002 report by the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) said: "There is no reliable information on whether Iraq is producing or stockpiling chemical weapons, or whether Iraq has - or will - establish its chemical warfare production facilities."
(#9F) Evidence, -The Downing Street Memo Proof Bush Fixed The Facts, by Ray McGovern May 04, 2005 "Intelligence and facts are being fixed around the policy." a briefing by Richard Dearlove, then head of Britain's CIA equivalent, MI-6. Fresh back in London from consultations in Washington, Dearlove briefed Prime Minister Blair and his top national security officials on July 23, 2002, on the Bush administration's plans to make war on Iraq. In emotionless English, Dearlove tells Blair and the others that President Bush has decided to remove Saddam Hussein by launching a war that is to be "justified by the conjunction of terrorism and weapons of mass destruction." Period. What about the intelligence? Dearlove adds matter-of-factly, "The intelligence and facts are being fixed around the policy." At this point, Foreign Secretary Jack Straw confirms that Bush has decided on war, but notes that stitching together justification would be a challenge, since "the case was thin." Straw noted that Saddam was not threatening his neighbors and his WMD capability was less than that of Libya, North Korea or Iran.In the following months, "the case" would be buttressed by a well-honed U.S.-U.K. intelligence-turned-propaganda-machine. The argument would be made "solid" enough to win endorsement from Congress and Parliament by conjuring: -Aluminum artillery tubes misdiagnosed as nuclear related; -Forgeries alleging Iraqi attempts to obtain uranium in Africa; -Tall tales from a drunken defector about mobile biological weapons laboratories; -Bogus warnings that Iraqi forces could fire WMD-tipped missiles within 45 minutes of an order to do so; -Dodgy dossiers fabricated in London; and -A U.S. National Intelligence Estimate thrown in for good measure. All this, as Dearlove notes dryly, despite the fact that "there was little discussion in Washington of the aftermath after military action." Another nugget from Dearlove's briefing is his bloodless comment that one of the U.S. military options under discussion involved "a continuous air campaign, initiated by an Iraqi "casus belli"—the clear implication being that planners of the air campaign would also see to it that an appropriate casus belli was orchestrated.
6.) (#10) OF LAW AND MORALS -As David Luban of Georgetown has argued, regarding the legal reasoning in the torture memos “They read as if they were reverse engineered to reach a pre-determined outcome: approval of waterboarding and the other CIA techniques. The memo's authors were obviously looking for a standard of torture so high that none of the enhanced interrogation techniques would count. But legal ethics does not permit lawyers to make frivolous arguments merely because it gets them the results they wanted.
I have called the interrogation memos a legal train wreck.” http://www.slate.com/id/2218290/
The disgrace of secret law by Christopher Kutz, U.C. Berkeley School of Law http://www.law.yale.edu/documents/pdf/Intellectual_Life/Kutz_RepugnanceofSecretLaw.pdf
(#11)If the perpetrators and commanders of this are “not subject to prosecution,” that would set a terrible precedent for the future http://rwor.org/a/164/torture-en.html
“What sets us apart from our enemies in this fight… is how we behave. In everything we do, we must observe the standards and values that dictate that we treat noncombatants and detainees with dignity and respect. While we are warriors, we are also all human beings” -- General David Petraeus ,http://www.humanrightsfirst.org/blog/hrfblog/2009/02/general-petraeus-sets-us-apart-from-our.html
11) (#12) 56 MEMBERS OF CONGRESS agree: "Dear Mr. Attorney General: "We are writing to request that you appoint a special counsel to investigate whether the Bush Administration's policies regarding the interrogation of detainees have violated federal criminal laws. There is mounting evidence that the Bush Administration has sanctioned enhanced interrogation techniques against detainees under the control of the United States that warrant an investigation …information indicates that the Bush Administration may have systematically implemented, from the top down, detainee interrogation policies that constitute torture" http://afterdowningstreet.org/node/39727
142 Organizations Agree With Leading Senators and Congress Members: The Crimes of Bush, Cheney, and Other Top Officials Must Be Prosecuted. http://backbonecampaign.org/Blog.cfm?ID=164 http://prosecutebushcheney.org
UN Calls for prosecution of Bush Officials . "the Obama administration is violating terms of the U.N. Convention Against Torture by effectively granting amnesty to CIA interrogators. “
http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/nilegardiner/9605488/UN_Calls_for_prosecution_of_Bush_Officials/
14) (#13) The Pentagon says 137 military members have been disciplined or face courts-martial for abusing detainees. http://www.nytimes.com/2005/01/06/politics/06abuse.html
(#14)Senate probe blames top Bush officials for abuses Roy Gutman and Jonathan S. Landay McClatchy Newspapers- Senator Levin, Chairman of the Armed Services Committee said,
"Attempts by senior officials to pass the buck to low-ranking soldiers while avoiding any responsibility for abuses are unconscionable. The message from top officials was clear; it was acceptable to use degrading and abusive techniques against detainees." " said Sen. Carl Levin, “The abuse of detainees in U.S. custody cannot simply be attributed to the actions of “a few bad apples” acting on their own. The fact is that senior officials in the United States government solicited information on how to use aggressive techniques, redefined the law to create the appearance of their legality, and authorized their use against detainees. Those efforts damaged our ability to collect accurate intelligence that could save lives, strengthened the hand of our enemies, and compromised our moral authority.” Senate probe blames top Bush officials for abuses
http://www.mcclatchydc.com/staff/jonathan_landay/v-print/story/57631.html
15) (#15) GOP leaders seek pledge ex-officials will avoid charges. At his Senate confirmation hearing Jan. 15, Holder said that he was not interested in "criminalizing policy differences." http://www.boston.com/news/nation/washington/articles/2009/01/26/cia_tape_case_a_vignette_of_debate_stalling_holder_confirmation/
(#16) Holder has named longtime prosecutor John H. Durham, who has parachuted into crisis situations for both political parties over three decades, to open an early review of nearly a dozen cases of alleged detainee mistreatment at the hands of CIA interrogators and contractors. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/08/24/AR2009082401743.html
news reports, quoting unnamed sources, say that if Holder decides in the coming weeks to authorize a criminal investigation it would be
limited to the “few bad apples” at the CIA who exceeded interrogation limits set by Justice Department attorneys in memos that authorized brutal acts of torture against suspected terrorists. http://pubrecord.org/law/2948/holder-torture-probe-would-likely/
16) (#17) Published on Monday, May 18, 2009 by Salon.com
The 13 People Who Made Torture Possible; The Bush administration's Torture 13. They authorized it, they decided how to implement it, and they crafted the legal fig leaf to justify it.
by Marcy Wheeler
The Torture 13 exploited the federal bureaucracy to establish a torture regime in two ways. First, they based the enhanced interrogation techniques on techniques used in the U.S. military's Survival, Evasion, Resistance and Escape (SERE) program. (The program -- which subjects volunteers from the armed services to simulated hostile capture situations -- trains servicemen and -women to withstand “harsh interrogation” techniques banned by US military code, US statutory law and International law, enshrined in the Geneva accords and the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, of which the US is a signatory to.)
The prosecutorial discrimination of the Attorney General Eric Holder is a tacit extension of the previous administration’s prosecutorial discrimination, by class, favoring Bush White House officials by turning a blind eye to their felonious criminal enterprise, including torture, and in the impunity it grants Bush administration officials the Islamic victims of torture experience more discrimination in the prosecutorial decision-making process. The precedence in Wayte v. US is clear. The remedy of the Court to correct this selective discrimination is to let Prosecutor Durham turn a scrutinizing eye to the whole criminal enterprise of the Bush administration, of which the criminal torture was just a part.
17) (#18) Torture Trail Seen Starting with Bush -A bipartisan congressional report traces the U.S. abuse of detainees at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib to President George W. Bush’s Feb. 7, 2002, action memorandum that excluded “war on terror” suspects from Geneva Convention protections. The Senate Armed Services Committee’s report http://levin.senate.gov/newsroom/supporting/2008/Detainees.121108.pdf said Bush’s memo opened the door to “considering aggressive techniques,” which were then developed with the complicity of then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Bush’s National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, and other senior officials. Bush's Feb. 7, 2002, memo prompted Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, who became the top commander in Iraq, to institute a “dozen interrogation methods beyond” the Army's standard practice under the convention, www.consortiumnews.com/2008/121208a.html - Cached - Similar
(#19) Of the 79 courts-martial (for abuse), 54 resulted in convictions. Of these, 40 soldiers were sentenced to prison time averaging four months, http://www.commondreams.org/headlines06/0427-05.htm
(#20)Torture Trail Seen Starting with Bush; President Bush told an ABC News reporter during an interview that he approved meetings of the NSC’s Principals Committee to discuss specific interrogation techniques the CIA could use against detainees. The Principals Committee included Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of State Colin Powell, CIA Director George Tenet and Attorney General Ashcroft as well as Rumsfeld and Rice.
(#21) President Bush told an ABC News reporter that he approved meetings of the NSC’s Principals Committee to discuss specific interrogation techniques the CIA could use against detainees. The Principals Committee included Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of State Colin Powell, CIA Director George Tenet and Attorney General John Ashcroft as well as Cheney and Rice. http://www.humanrightsfirst.info/pdf/06221-etn-hrf-dic-rep-web.pdf
(#22) an investigation by the Senate Intelligence Committee found that Bush and Cheney didn’t simply buy into faulty intelligence but knowingly misled Congress and the public about the threat that Iraq posed to the United States in the months leading up to the March 2003 invasion. http://www.consortiumnews.com/2008/121608a.html
(#22A) Conyers called on Holder “to appoint a special counsel to review the Bush administration abuses of power and misconduct. A criminal probe—he’s got to do that.” Conyers added that “All the breadcrumbs, as we call them, go right to the White House.”
http://jonathanturley.org/2009/07/25/conyers-calls-for-special-prosecutor-on-alleged-bush-crimes/
(#23) Col. Lawrence Wilkerson, former chief of staff of the Department of State during the term of Secretary of State Colin Powell,
“What I am saying is that no torture or harsh interrogation techniques were employed by any U.S. interrogator for the entire second term of Cheney-Bush, 2005-2009. So, if we are to believe the protestations of Dick Cheney, that Obama’s having shut down the “Cheney interrogation methods” will endanger the nation, what are we to say to Dick Cheney for having endangered the nation for the last four years of his vice presidency?”
“Likewise, what I have learned is that as the administration authorized harsh interrogation in April and May of 2002–well before the Justice Department had rendered any legal opinion–its principal priority for intelligence was not aimed at pre-empting another terrorist attack on the U.S. but discovering a smoking gun linking Iraq and al-Qa’ida.” http://themoderatevoice.com/32207/former-powell-aide-lawrence-b-wilkerson-the-truth-about-dick-cheney/
19) (#24) Torture Trail Seen Starting with Bushby Jason Leopold December 12, 2008 A bipartisan congressional report traces the U.S. abuse of detainees at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib to President George W. Bush’s Feb. 7, 2002, action memorandum that excluded “war on terror” suspects from Geneva Convention protections.The Senate Armed Services Committee’s report (http://levin.senate.gov/newsroom/supporting/2008/Detainees.121108.pdf said Bush’s memo opened the door to “considering aggressive techniques,” which were then developed with the complicity of then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Bush’s National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, and other senior officials.http://baltimorechronicle.com/2008/121208Leopold.html
(#25) New Details on Torture Deaths By Jason Leopold
In December 2002 – as the Bush administration was ratcheting up its harsh questioning of detainees – several captives died from “abusive” treatment at the hands of U.S. military interrogators in Afghanistan, according to newly declassified Defense Department documents. http://www.consortiumnews.com/2009/021209b.html(#26) On January 25, 2002, then-White House counsel Alberto Gonzales advised George W. Bush in a memo to deny al-Qaeda and Taliban prisoners protections under the Geneva Conventions because doing so would "substantially reduces the threat of domestic criminal prosecution under the War Crimes Act" and "provide a solid defense to any future prosecution."
Two weeks later, Bush signed an action memorandum dated February 7, 2002, addressed to Vice President Dick Cheney, which denied baseline protections to al-Qaeda and Taliban prisoners under the Third Geneva Convention. That memo, according to a recently released bipartisan report issued by the Senate Armed Services Committee, opened the door to "considering aggressive techniques," which were then developed with the complicity of then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Bush's National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, and other senior Bush officials.
"The President's order closed off application of Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, which would have afforded minimum standards for humane treatment, to al-Qaeda or Taliban detainees," says the committee's December 11 report. http://www.truthout.org/061709A
(#27) “In my judgment, this new paradigm renders obsolete Geneva's strict limitations on questioning of enemy prisoners and renders quaint some of its provisions," Gonzales wrote in a legal memo to President Bush on Jan. 25, 2002. Declaring the war-on-terror prisoners exempt from the Geneva Convention, he argued, "substantially reduces the threat of domestic criminal prosecution under the War Crimes Act."
Acting like a sleazy attorney advising a client on how not to be convicted of an ongoing crime, Gonzales was apparently not worried about irrational foreign courts or high-minded jurists in The Hague, but rather U.S. prosecutors who might enforce federal laws that ban torture of foreign prisoners of war. Indeed, Gonzales made the case for a legal end run around the 1996 War Crimes Act, which mandates criminal penalties, including the death sentence, for any U.S. military or other personnel who engage in crimes of torture.
"It is difficult to predict the motives of [U.S.] prosecutors and [U.S.] independent counsels who may in the future decide to pursue unwarranted charges based on Section 2441" of the act, Gonzales wrote. "Your determination [that Geneva protections are not applicable] would create a reasonable basis in law that Section 2441 does not apply, which would provide a solid defense to any future prosecution."
In light of what we have learned since about the rationalization and use of torture by U.S. interrogators over the last four years, it is difficult to ignore the possibility that Gonzales already had knowledge that such violations had occurred and expected more.
http://articles.latimes.com/2005/jan/04/opinion/oe-scheer4
20) (#28) Torture Trail Seen Starting with Bush Feb. 7, 2002, memo prompted Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, Bipartisan congressional report traces the U.S. abuse of detainees at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib to President George W. Bush’s Feb. 7, 2002, action memorandum that excluded “war on terror” suspects from Geneva Convention protections.
“The abuse of detainees in U.S. custody cannot simply be attributed to the actions of ‘a few bad apples’ acting on their own,” the committee report said. “The fact is that senior officials in the United States government solicited information on how to use aggressive techniques, redefined the law to create the appearance of their legality, and authorized their use against detainees.”, “Those efforts damaged our ability to collect accurate intelligence that could save lives, strengthened the hand of our enemies, and compromised our moral authority.” http://www.atlanticfreepress.com/news/1/6734-torture-trail-seen-starting-with-bush-.html
(#29)SENATE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE INQUIRY INTO THE TREATMENT OF DETAINEES A bipartisan congressional report traces the U.S. abuse of detainees at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib to President George W. Bush’s Feb. 7, 2002, action memorandum that excluded “war on terror” suspects from Geneva Convention protections.The Senate Armed Services Committee’s report, (http://media.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/pdf/12112008_detaineeabuse.pdf?sid=ST2008121101970&s_pos=list ) (which) said, Bush’s memo opened the door to “considering aggressive techniques,” which were then developed with the complicity of then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Bush’s National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, and other senior officials.
http://media.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/pdf/12112008_detaineeabuse.pdf?sid=ST2008121101970&s_pos=list
21) (#30) WASHINGTON (AP), Col. Janis Karpinski : "The line (of authority) is very clear. It was cloudy for years," Karpinski said. In an interview on CBS's "The Early Show," she pointed to findings that the authorization for harsh interrogation tactics originated "from the very top" in Washington and was given to military people at Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo and elsewhere. "Scapegoated is the perfect word," she said, "and it's an understatement." Karpinski said the Senate report is "black and white proof" that uniformed servicemen and women were not alone responsible for the abuses. http://www.necn.com/Boston/Nation/2009/04/22/Army-officer-vindicated-by/1240401509.html
(#31) Senate probe blames top Bush officials for abuses "
“Senior officials in the United States government solicited information on how to use aggressive techniques, redefined the law to create the appearance of their legality, and authorized their use against detainees," said the report's 19-page unclassified executive summary. "Those efforts damaged our ability to collect accurate intelligence that could save lives, strengthened the hand of our enemies, and compromised our moral authority." http://www.mcclatchydc.com/staff/jonathan_landay/v-print/story/57631.html
(#32)The Army general who led the investigation into prisoner abuse at Iraq's Abu Ghraib prison accused the Bush administration Wednesday of committing "war crimes" and called for those responsible to be held to account.
“After years of disclosures by government investigations, media accounts and reports from human rights organizations, there is no longer any doubt as to whether the current administration has committed war crimes," Taguba wrote,k "The only question that remains to be answered is whether those who ordered the use of torture will be held to account." http://www.mcclatchydc.com/251/story/41514.html
22.) (#33) TORTURING AN IRAQ-AL QAEDA CONNECTION: As McClatchy reported, "[T]he Bush administration applied relentless pressure on interrogators to use harsh methods on detainees in part to find evidence of cooperation between al Qaida and the late Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein's regime."
Such information -- which doesn't exist -- "would've provided a foundation" for Bush's arguments for invading Iraq in 2003. According to the Armed Services Committee report, former U.S. Army psychiatrist Maj. Charles Burney told Army investigators in 2006 that
"the more frustrated people got in not being able to establish that link...there was more and more pressure to resort to measures that might produce more immediate results." Read more at: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/the-progress-report/the-tortured-past_b_190625.html
(#34) MEMORANDUM FOR: The President, FROM: Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS), SUBJECT: Torture
“This memorandum is VIPS’ first attempt to inform you on a major intelligence issue, as we did your predecessor; thus, some background might be helpful. Five former CIA officers established Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS) in January 2003, when we saw our profession being corrupted to justify an attack on Iraq. Since then, our numbers have grown to 70 intelligence professionals, mostly retired, who have served in virtually all U.S. civilian and military intelligence agencies.In our first Memorandum for the President (George W. Bush), dated February 5, 2003, we provided a same-day commentary on Colin Powell’s U.N. speech. We warned the president that “an invasion of Iraq would ensure overflowing recruitment centers for terrorists into the indefinite future [and that] far from eliminating the [terrorist] threat, it would enhance it exponentially.”
For the cheerleading for war had begun—a war that would fit the post-WWII Nuremberg Tribunal’s description of a “war of aggression.” Nuremberg defined such a war as “the supreme international crime, differing from other war crimes only in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole.”
No doubt you appreciate better than anyone that the official Department of Justice memoranda you insisted be released last week are a national disgrace. Worse still are the first-hand accounts by young soldiers at Guantanamo of perversions like “rape by instrumentality.” You should be aware that this was a practice adamantly defended by former White House lawyers when Congress attempted to draft legislation expressly prohibiting it. Asked to explain their objection, Bush administration lawyers acknowledged that they were worried that such legislation might subject practitioners to prosecution under state and federal criminal statutes.”
http://www.commongroundcommonsense.org/forums/lofiversion/index.php/t108255.html
24.) (#35) Crawford, a retired judge who served as general counsel for the Army during the Reagan administration and as Pentagon inspector general when Dick Cheney was secretary of defense, is the first senior Bush administration official responsible for reviewing practices at Guantanamo to publicly state that a detainee was tortured.
Crawford, 61, said the combination of the interrogation techniques, their duration and the impact on Qahtani's health led to her conclusion.
"The techniques they used were all authorized, but the manner in which they applied them was overly aggressive and too persistent. . . . You think of torture, you think of some horrendous physical act done to an individual. This was not any one particular act; this was just a combination of things that had a medical impact on him, that hurt his health. It was abusive and uncalled for. And coercive. Clearly coercive. It was that medical impact that pushed me over the edge" to call it torture, she said.
“I sympathize with the intelligence gatherers in those days after 9/11, not knowing what was coming next and trying to gain information to keep us safe," said Crawford, a lifelong Republican. "But there still has to be a line that we should not cross. And unfortunately what this has done, I think, has tainted everything going forward."
In May 2008, Crawford ordered the war-crimes charges against Qahtani dropped but did not state publicly that the harsh interrogations were the reason. "It did shock me," Crawford said. "I was upset by it. I was embarrassed by it. If we tolerate this and allow it, then how can we object when our servicemen and women, or others in foreign service, are captured and subjected to the same techniques? How can we complain? Where is our moral authority to complain? Well, we may have lost it.” articles.latimes.com/2009/jan/14/nation/na-gitmo14
The harsh techniques used against Qahtani, she said, were approved by then-Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld. "A lot of this happened on his watch," she said. Last month, a Senate Armed Services Committee report concluded that "Rumsfeld's authorization of aggressive interrogation techniques for use at Guantanamo Bay was a direct cause of detainee abuse there."
Crawford has not blocked prosecution of the other five detainees. Ultimately, she says, the responsibility for the farrago of illegal detentions and torture rests with President Bush.
Crawford said. "I think the buck stops in the Oval Office." http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/01/13/AR2009011303372.html?hpid=topnews
(#36)MEMORANDUM FOR: The President, FROM: Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS), SUBJECT: Torture
70 intelligence professionals, mostly retired, who have served in virtually all U.S. civilian and military intelligence agencies say,
“You need to know that the vast majority of intelligence professionals deplore “extraordinary rendition” and the other torture procedures that were subsequently ordered by senior Bush administration officials.”
http://www.commongroundcommonsense.org/forums/lofiversion/index.php/t108255.html
(#37) In the hours immediately after the Sept. 11 attacks, long before anyone was certain who was responsible for them, Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld reportedly asked that plans be drawn up for an American assault on Iraq. The following day, in a Cabinet meeting at the White House, Rumsfeld, according to Bob Woodward, insisted that Iraq should be "a principal target of the first round in the war against terrorism." The president reportedly was advised that "public opinion has to be prepared before a move against Iraq is possible" http://s3.amazonaws.com/911timeline/2003/latimes011203.html
(#38) Attorney-general nominee Eric Holder, at his confirmation hearing: "No one is above the law," Holder said, but added that he also didn't "want to criminalize policy differences that exist" between administrations. http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2009-01-15-holder-hearing_N.htm
(#39)The Rule of Law means that "...no one is above the law", not even England's King John who was required to abide by the law through the Magna Carta.
John Rawls, a Harvard professor, wrote in his seminal book, A Theory of Justice, that the purpose of The Rule of Law is to protect citizens through the regular and impartial administration of public rules. Rawls goes on to point out that "One kind of unjust action is the failure of judges and others in authority to apply the appropriate rule or to interpret it correctly." He observes that injustice does not necessarily come about by revelation of judicial crimes or corruption, but rather through "...subtle distortions of prejudice and bias as these effectively discriminate against certain groups in the judicial process."
http://www.bulletinsfromaloha.org/weekly/2008/1/1/common-law-does-not-make-common-sense.html
(#40)Federal assistance to States, local jurisdictions, and Indian tribes to prosecute hate crimes -Authorizes the Attorney General to award grants to state, local, and tribal law enforcement agencies for extraordinary expenses associated with the investigation and prosecution of hate crimes.
http://www.washingtonwatch.com/bills/show/111_HR_1913.html
(#41)Torturing the Rule of Law
We have fallen a long way in such a short time. Rather than enforce international principles we once pioneered by prosecuting former officials who enabled torture, our nation today violates those principles with impunity.
Torture harmed our international relations with even allies like Britain, which curtailed cooperation with the CIA because of inhumane detainee treatment. Moreover, as the U.S. Air Force Major whose interrogations found the leader of Al-Qaeda in Iraq has written, “Torture and abuse became Al Qaida’s number one recruiting tool and cost us American lives.” Criminal prosecution would place the arguments of Bush administration apologists in the context they deserve.
Other costs of avoiding prosecution are less concrete but equally severe. For instance, failing to prosecute, by definition, erodes the rule of law. Law entails the consistent application of neutral principles across differing contexts. Yet our nation tolerates vast inequalities in prosecution. Between 2006 and 2007, over 320,000 Americans received prison sentences for non-violent offenses. In sharp contrast, among the senior officials responsible for authorizing torture, none have faced even a criminal investigation — let alone charges, prosecution or a sentence.
Hundreds of lawyers across the country recently wrote the Attorney General and Congress to explain how this unequal justice undermines the legitimacy of our legal system. They wrote, “The severity of systemic disadvantages in the criminal process grows more disturbing — and the system’s legitimacy grows less secure — when violations of our nation’s most fundamental commitments carry no consequences for potential criminals who wield political influence”
http://www.constitutioncampaign.org/blog/?p=55
(#42)A former Pakistani diplomat has told the BBC that the US was planning military action against Osama Bin Laden and the Taleban even before last week's attacks.
Niaz Naik, a former Pakistani Foreign Secretary, was told by senior American officials in mid-July that military action against Afghanistan would go ahead by the middle of October.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/1550366.stm
(#43)The ex-terrorism official dazzles at the 9/11 commission hearings
http://www.slate.com/id/2097750/
No.09-5299 09-cv-01544
Appendix -documentation of Petition’s, Appeal’s points
2) (#1) Confirmation hearings; Republicans seek assurances that new leaders at the Justice Department will not prosecute former government officials over national security abuses;
Holder Says He Will Not Criminalize Policy Differences - http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/01/24/AR2009012401856.html?sid=ST2009012402392
(#1A) It's official: No U.S. prosecution of Bush officials
http://rawstory.com/blog/2009/04/its-official-no-us-prosecution-of-bush-officials/
(#1B) Obama Resisting Push for Interrogation Panel
Mr. Obama said a special inquiry would steal time and energy from his policy agenda, and could mushroom into a wider distraction looking back at the Bush years, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/24/us/pohttp://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/24/us/politics/24cong.html
(#2) The United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment sets out in clear language the nature of torture., and obligations of governments to prevent and prosecute those responsible for the crime, to provide training and education http://www.irct.org/what-is-torture/convention-against-torture.aspx
3.) (#3) news reports, quoting unnamed sources, say that if Holder decides in the coming weeks to authorize a criminal investigation it would be
limited to the “few bad apples” at the CIA who exceeded interrogation limits set by Justice Department attorneys in memos that authorized brutal acts of torture against suspected terrorists. http://pubrecord.org/law/2948/holder-torture-probe-would-likely/
However, such a decision would both legitimize the flawed memos of Justice Department attorneys by using them as the standard to determine prosecutable criminality, and would treat the Bush administration staff as a “protected, privileged class” granting impunity to those in the Bush administration who were using torture as a means to further advance their criminal conspiracy. The United States is a nation of laws under our esteemed Constitution and by extension of the Supremacy clause, the ratified Geneva Treaties, not a nation of memos.
4) (#4) Plaintiff notes that the defendant himself has acknowledged that water-boarding is torture, although the procedure is allowed under the guidelines in the infamous "Bybee Memo.” “Enforcing the nation's laws should not be a political decision," said ACLU executive director Anthony Romero,
"These memos provide yet more incontrovertible evidence that Bush administration officials at the highest level of government authorized and gave legal blessing to acts of torture that violate domestic and international law," he says. “Through these memos, Justice Department lawyers authorized interrogators to use the most barbaric interrogation methods, including methods that the US once prosecuted as war crimes" http://www.csmonitor.com/2009/0417/p02s04-usgn.html
In addition to waterboarding, the 2002 Bybee memo authorized slapping, pushing, confinement in a small, dark space, painful stress positions, and sleep deprivation for up to 11 days. It also approved a request to lock Abu Zubaydah in a confinement box with an insect.
JURIST Contributing Editor Jordan Paust of the University of Houston Law Center says that far from providing real legal cover for CIA harsh interrogations, the newly disclosed second Bybee memo is a "smoking gun" providing further evidence of serial criminality and demonstrating beyond reasonable doubt why a memo writer is reasonably accused of complicity whether or not he knew that certain conduct would be “torture”.... http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/forumy/2009/04/second-bybee-memo-smoking-gun.php
(#4A)This is an effort by a number of people to demand the investigation and indictment of those who organized the recent U.S. wave of torture around the world. http://mikeely.wordpress.com/2009/09/12/tortured-logic/
This video’s self-description: “reading directly from a memo authored by Jay Bybee, former head of the Justice Departments Office of Legal Counsel under the Bush administration“.
The memo was released in April as part of a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit filed by the ACLU.“ http://www.aclu.org/torturedlogic/
(#4B)… lawyers were colluding with administration officials in setting policy, rather than providing objective legal analysis. Already, extensive evidence exists, including Yoo’s own writings, showing that he participated in high-level administration meetings to discuss and set policy.
For instance, in his 2006 book War by Other Means, Yoo describes his involvement in frequent White House meetings regarding what “other means” should receive a legal stamp of approval. Yoo, who was a deputy assistant attorney general assigned to the powerful Office of Legal Counsel at the Justice Department, wrote:
“As the White House held its procession of Christmas parties and receptions in December 2001, senior lawyers from the Attorney General’s office, the White House counsel’s office, the Departments of State and Defense and the NSC [National Security Council] met a few floors away to discuss the work on our opinion. …”
“This group of lawyers would meet repeatedly over the next months to develop policy on the war on terrorism. We certainly did not all agree, nor did we always get along, but we all believed that we were doing what was best for the nation and its citizens.”
“Meetings were usually chaired by Alberto Gonzales,” who was then White House counsel and later became Bush’s second Attorney General. Yoo identified other key players as Timothy Flanigan, Gonzales’s deputy; William Howard Taft IV from State; John Bellinger from the NSC; William “Jim” Haynes from the Pentagon; and David Addington, counsel to Vice President Dick Cheney.
What Yoo’s book and other evidence make clear is that the lawyers from the Justice Department’s OLC weren’t just legal scholars handing down opinions from an ivory tower; they were participants in how to make Bush’s desired actions “legal” even if the arguments were professionally flawed. http://www.mcclatchydc.com/detainees/story/38886.html
5) (#5)The White House orders the FBI to hand Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi over to the CIA. Soon after, Ibn al-Libi is flown to a site in Egypt. [Newsweek, 6/21/2004 http://www.newsweek.com/id/54093; Washington Post, 6/27/2004 http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A8534-2004Jun26.html
Senior administration officials kept insisting the interrogators weren't pushing hard enough, http://www.mcclatchydc.com/227/story/66622.html
(#6)Al-Libi is subjected to a series of increasingly harsh techniques http://www.commondreams.org/headlines05/1209-07.htm , including at least one, waterboarding, that is considered torture. http://www.historycommons.org/timeline.jsp?timeline=torture,_rendition,_and_other_abuses_against_captives_in_iraq,_afghanistan,_and_elsewhere&startpos=200#amid0302tentechniques
Reputedly, he is finally broken after being waterboarded and then forced to stand naked in a cold cell overnight where he is repeatedly doused with cold water by his captors. In order to avoid harsh treatment he will also provide false information to the Egyptians, alleging that Iraq trained al-Qaeda members in bomb making and poisons and gases. [ABC News, 11/18/2005 http://abcnews.go.com/WNT/Investigation/story?id=1322866 ;
New York Times, 12/9/2005] http://www.commondreams.org/headlines05/1209-07.htm
New York Times, November 6, 2005 By DOUGLAS JEHL http://www.nytimes.com/2006/09/10/washington/10detain.html?_r=1&scp=2&sq=&st=nyt , http://www.newsweek.com/id/196818
(#7) Report Warned Bush Team About Intelligence skepticism regarding Ibn Libi's tortured account, still President Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney, Colin L. Powell, then secretary of state, and other administration officials repeatedly cited Mr. Libi's information as "credible" evidence that Iraq was training Al Qaeda members in the use of explosives and illicit weapons. http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/06/politics/06intel.html?pagewanted=print
(#8) The use of abusive interrogation —widely considered torture —as part of Bush's quest for a rationale to invade Iraq came to light as the Senate issued a major report tracing the origin of the abuses. Former Powell chief of staff Lawrence Wilkerson wrote,
“So furious was this effort that on one particular detainee, even when the interrogation team had reported to Cheney’s office that their detainee “was compliant” (meaning the team recommended no more torture), the VP’s office ordered them to continue the enhanced methods,” Wilkerson added. “The detainee had not revealed any al-Qa’ida-Baghdad contacts yet. This ceased only after Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi, under waterboarding in Egypt, “revealed” such contacts. Of course later we learned that al-Libi revealed these contacts only to get the torture to stop.”
http://rawstory.com/08/news/2009/05/14/ex-bush-official-says-torture-approved-in-effort-to-tie-iraq-to-al-qaeda/
Hubris: The Inside Story of Spin, Scandal, and the Selling of the Iraq War , Isikoff and Corn, 2006, pp. 121] Vincent Cannistraro, former head of the CIA’s Counterterrorist Center, will later say: “He’s carried off to Egypt... And we know that he’s going to be tortured.... http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/darkside/etc/script.html
(#9)Report Warned Bush Team About Intelligence Suspicions - New York Times WASHINGTON, Nov. 5 - A high Qaeda official in American custody was identified as a likely fabricator months before the Bush administration began to use his statements as the foundation for its claims that Iraq trained Al Qaeda members to use biological and chemical weapons, according to newly declassified portions of a Defense Intelligence Agency document.
The document, an intelligence report from February 2002, said it was probable that the prisoner, Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi, "was intentionally misleading the debriefers" in making claims about Iraqi support for Al Qaeda's work with illicit weapons. (he was making stuff up to get his torturers to stop tormenting him.) www.nytimes.com/2005/11/06/politics/06intel.html - Similar
(#9A) A strong case can be made that VP Dick Cheney and President Bush led a conspiracy of certain members of his administration to commit fraud and perjury with intent to deceive in his State of the Union address on January 28th, 2003 regarding Iraq's acquisition of special aluminum tubing purported to be used in nuclear processing, the purported attempt by Iraq to purchase enriched uranium, the purported possession of huge stocks of WMD, that is, chemical weapons, and the purported "immanent threat" Iraq posed to the United States. Charges: Violations of 18 USC section 1031, MAJOR FRAUD ACT of 1988, Violations of 18 USC section 1001, FRAUD AND FALSE STATEMENTS Violated, 18 USC Section 1002, POSSESSION of FALSE PAPERS to DEFRAUD the UNITED STATES Violated 18 USC section 371, CONSPIRACY TO COMMIT OFFENSE OR TO DEFRAUD UNITED STATES Violations of The MAJOR FRAUD ACT of 1988, 18 USC section 1031 : That former US VP Dick Cheney and former President Bush, in collusion with others, did instigate and perpetuate a conspiracy to commit fraud on the people and government of the United States by fraudulently and deceptively manipulating information presented to the public and in a joint session of Congress in a State of the Union address January 28th, 2003 as well as in testimony given to Congress in Congressional hearings both public and private, including accusations known to be dubious or false about Iraqi attempts to procure uranium according to numerous reports including: January 12, 2003 - The State Department INR(bureau of Intelligence and Research) expresses concerns to the CIA that the Iraq-Niger documents are forgeries. (INR memo, p. 3) January 13, 2003 -The chief INR Iraq nuclear analyst circulates an e-mail to intelligence community analysts warning that "the uranium purchase agreement probably is a hoax." (SSCI). (#9B) President Bush also claimed in the 2003 State of the Union address(http://www.cnn.com/2003/ALLPOLITICS/01/28/sotu.transcript/) that all intelligence agencies had determined that Iraq was trying to purchase aluminum tubes suitable for nuclear centrifuges(“Our intelligence sources tell us that he has attempted to purchase high-strength aluminum tubes suitable for nuclear weapons production.” . He said this despite a January 10, 2003, Senior Executive Memorandum given to Rice, Cheney, and dozens of other high-level Bush administration policy makers on the aluminum tubes issue emphasizing that the INR, DOE and the IAEA all believed that the aluminum tubes procured by Iraq were for conventional weapons, as well as other reports stating that the aluminum tubes in question were probably NOT for nuclear purposes. So, President Bush and others knew or should have known the charges about the aluminum tubes and about Iraqi attempts to buy uranium were false, or at least, misleading. What Bush Was Told About Iraq By Murray Waas, National Journal,© National Journal Group Inc.,Thursday, March 2, 2006 http://www.nationaljournal.com/about/njweekly/stories/2006/0302nj1.htmFormer President Bush and his administration was presenting these issues about the purported attempts of uranium purchases and about the purchase of aluminum tubing as supposedly solid proofs that Iraq had an ongoing nuclear program and as reasons to go to war with Iraq, although the record clearly shows that the Bush administration was not at all certain of the veracity of these claims because of reports given to them that both claims were bogus, that is to say very dubious or untrue, and history shows that assessment was correct. However the record seems to show that the Bush administration was determined to bring the US to war with Iraq even if it mean lying to Congress and the American people about these issues and defrauding the US government. The purpose of this conspiracy of fraud was, among other things, to enrich the Halliburton Corporation, for which Cheney had been CEO and of which he still has vested interest in and enrich, as well as defense contractors and oil companies, chief donors to his election campaigns. President Bush had stated that he wanted to be a war-time President to help push his legislative agenda. . (#9C) President Bush's infamous 16 words, "The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa," was a disingenuous, misleading statement, and he and his staff knew it. And President Bush repeated the claim that Iraq's Aluminum tubes were for nuclear centrifuges without acknowledging that the INR, DOE and the IAEA all believed that the aluminum tubes procured by Iraq were for conventional weapons What Bush Was Told About Iraq, 2006-03-03By Murray Waas, National Journalhttp://www.afterdowningstreet.org/node/8440, with the intent of terrorizing the American people and US Congress to justify waging war against Iraq. And thereby risking and wasting American blood(some 4,500 US soldiers killed thus far) and treasure(estimated to cost the +US $1.5 Trillion) in a pre-emptive war which was not necessary.(No WMD, no eminent threat to US or its allies). Yet Cheney and Bush's friends and donors in defense contractors including Halliburton, a company VP Cheney has vested interest, in benefited tangibly and substantially. Former Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neil and Terrorism expert Richard Clarke saw, in the White House, pre-9/11 maps of Iraq with its oil fields divvied up between the oil companies (Iraqi Oil fields http://www.judicialwatch.org/IraqOilMap.pdf, http://www.judicialwatch.org/IraqOilFrgnSuitors.pdf which reveals a motive for the plot to fraudulently mislead the United States and reveals that it had been developing since at least the beginning days of the Bush administration in the Spring of 2001. (#9C) Yet the January 28th, 2003 speech by Bush was a State of the Union address mandated by Article 2, section 3 of the US Constitution, before a joint session of Congress and was accordingly solemnly received and considered worthy and the truthful fulfillment of a Presidential duty. Arguably, President Bush was under his Presidential oath of office: "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.", as he gave his Constitutionally mandated State of the Union Address before a joint session of Congress as well as many millions of Americans and any misstatements or misrepresentations in his 2003 State of the Union address are fraudulent, perjuries and felonious. And especially villainous, as it led to the deaths or maiming of hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, innocent civilians as well as soldiers, and the death or maiming of many thousands of US soldiers. In any event, lying to Congress is against the law whether or not one is under oath. It wasn't until July 9th, 2003, over three months since the war had started, that Presidential spokesman Ari Fleisher acknowledged that "it's now known what was not known by the White House prior to the speech. This information should not have risen to the level of a Presidential speech." Yet as I've delineated above, the White House DID, in fact, know about the dubious nature of the claims about Iraq prior to the State of the Union speech(and there is extensive, documented evidence to prove the White House was made aware of the dubious nature of these claims well before the January 28th, 2003, State of the Union address). The State of the Union speech was given on January 28th and the war started on March 20th, after President Bush warned the UN Inspectors to leave Iraq. There was plenty of time for the administration to stop the headlong rush to war as the truth about the spurious nature of the allegations against Iraq was revealed. Part of the proof that the Bush administration did not care about the veracity of the accusations it made against Iraq in the 2003 State of the Union address is that although there was much public discourse in the months after the President's address about the many reports which revealed the accusations against Iraq therein to be spurious, the Bush administration proceeded relentlessly with the war against Iraq. UN weapons inspectors were on the ground in Iraq, doing a good and thorough job until the Bush administration warned them to get out before the US bombardment of Iraq began in 3/03. (#9E) The deceptions included in the 2003 State of the Union address also violated 18 USC section 1001, FRAUD AND FALSE STATEMENTS in several ways. For instance, lying about non-existent uranium purchases would "falsify, conceal or cover up a material fact " that the purchase never occurred. Lying also obviously violates section 2 of the statute: "makes any materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or representation". Knowing reliance upon the forged documents would violate section 3 of the statute: "uses any false writing or document knowing the same to contain any materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or entry". The letter obtained by Italian intelligence and later by British intelligence that purported to show that Iraq had tried to purchase uranium from Niger had long been considered by many to be a crude forgery, yet when same letter came to the attention of British intelligence, some in the White House conspiracy pretended that the forged letter had suddenly acquired credibility and let it be included in the final draft of the 2003 State of the Union address. The claims President Bush made in the 2003 State of the Union address regarding Iraq purchase of aluminum tubes suitable for uranium processing was contrary to what a report from the Department of Energy, in early January of 2203, asserted regarding the tubes. And President Bush claimed UN Inspectors believed Iraq had huge Sock-piles of WMD, which is a complete misrepresentation of United Nations reports Instead, U.N. inspectors expressed doubt, stating they had dismantled Iraq's key weapons-making facilities and destroyed most existing WMD. A September 2002 report by the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) said: "There is no reliable information on whether Iraq is producing or stockpiling chemical weapons, or whether Iraq has - or will - establish its chemical warfare production facilities."
(#9F) Evidence, -The Downing Street Memo Proof Bush Fixed The Facts, by Ray McGovern May 04, 2005 "Intelligence and facts are being fixed around the policy." a briefing by Richard Dearlove, then head of Britain's CIA equivalent, MI-6. Fresh back in London from consultations in Washington, Dearlove briefed Prime Minister Blair and his top national security officials on July 23, 2002, on the Bush administration's plans to make war on Iraq. In emotionless English, Dearlove tells Blair and the others that President Bush has decided to remove Saddam Hussein by launching a war that is to be "justified by the conjunction of terrorism and weapons of mass destruction." Period. What about the intelligence? Dearlove adds matter-of-factly, "The intelligence and facts are being fixed around the policy." At this point, Foreign Secretary Jack Straw confirms that Bush has decided on war, but notes that stitching together justification would be a challenge, since "the case was thin." Straw noted that Saddam was not threatening his neighbors and his WMD capability was less than that of Libya, North Korea or Iran.In the following months, "the case" would be buttressed by a well-honed U.S.-U.K. intelligence-turned-propaganda-machine. The argument would be made "solid" enough to win endorsement from Congress and Parliament by conjuring: -Aluminum artillery tubes misdiagnosed as nuclear related; -Forgeries alleging Iraqi attempts to obtain uranium in Africa; -Tall tales from a drunken defector about mobile biological weapons laboratories; -Bogus warnings that Iraqi forces could fire WMD-tipped missiles within 45 minutes of an order to do so; -Dodgy dossiers fabricated in London; and -A U.S. National Intelligence Estimate thrown in for good measure. All this, as Dearlove notes dryly, despite the fact that "there was little discussion in Washington of the aftermath after military action." Another nugget from Dearlove's briefing is his bloodless comment that one of the U.S. military options under discussion involved "a continuous air campaign, initiated by an Iraqi "casus belli"—the clear implication being that planners of the air campaign would also see to it that an appropriate casus belli was orchestrated.
6.) (#10) OF LAW AND MORALS -As David Luban of Georgetown has argued, regarding the legal reasoning in the torture memos “They read as if they were reverse engineered to reach a pre-determined outcome: approval of waterboarding and the other CIA techniques. The memo's authors were obviously looking for a standard of torture so high that none of the enhanced interrogation techniques would count. But legal ethics does not permit lawyers to make frivolous arguments merely because it gets them the results they wanted.
I have called the interrogation memos a legal train wreck.” http://www.slate.com/id/2218290/
The disgrace of secret law by Christopher Kutz, U.C. Berkeley School of Law http://www.law.yale.edu/documents/pdf/Intellectual_Life/Kutz_RepugnanceofSecretLaw.pdf
(#11)If the perpetrators and commanders of this are “not subject to prosecution,” that would set a terrible precedent for the future http://rwor.org/a/164/torture-en.html
“What sets us apart from our enemies in this fight… is how we behave. In everything we do, we must observe the standards and values that dictate that we treat noncombatants and detainees with dignity and respect. While we are warriors, we are also all human beings” -- General David Petraeus ,http://www.humanrightsfirst.org/blog/hrfblog/2009/02/general-petraeus-sets-us-apart-from-our.html
11) (#12) 56 MEMBERS OF CONGRESS agree: "Dear Mr. Attorney General: "We are writing to request that you appoint a special counsel to investigate whether the Bush Administration's policies regarding the interrogation of detainees have violated federal criminal laws. There is mounting evidence that the Bush Administration has sanctioned enhanced interrogation techniques against detainees under the control of the United States that warrant an investigation …information indicates that the Bush Administration may have systematically implemented, from the top down, detainee interrogation policies that constitute torture" http://afterdowningstreet.org/node/39727
142 Organizations Agree With Leading Senators and Congress Members: The Crimes of Bush, Cheney, and Other Top Officials Must Be Prosecuted. http://backbonecampaign.org/Blog.cfm?ID=164 http://prosecutebushcheney.org
UN Calls for prosecution of Bush Officials . "the Obama administration is violating terms of the U.N. Convention Against Torture by effectively granting amnesty to CIA interrogators. “
http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/nilegardiner/9605488/UN_Calls_for_prosecution_of_Bush_Officials/
14) (#13) The Pentagon says 137 military members have been disciplined or face courts-martial for abusing detainees. http://www.nytimes.com/2005/01/06/politics/06abuse.html
(#14)Senate probe blames top Bush officials for abuses Roy Gutman and Jonathan S. Landay McClatchy Newspapers- Senator Levin, Chairman of the Armed Services Committee said,
"Attempts by senior officials to pass the buck to low-ranking soldiers while avoiding any responsibility for abuses are unconscionable. The message from top officials was clear; it was acceptable to use degrading and abusive techniques against detainees." " said Sen. Carl Levin, “The abuse of detainees in U.S. custody cannot simply be attributed to the actions of “a few bad apples” acting on their own. The fact is that senior officials in the United States government solicited information on how to use aggressive techniques, redefined the law to create the appearance of their legality, and authorized their use against detainees. Those efforts damaged our ability to collect accurate intelligence that could save lives, strengthened the hand of our enemies, and compromised our moral authority.” Senate probe blames top Bush officials for abuses
http://www.mcclatchydc.com/staff/jonathan_landay/v-print/story/57631.html
15) (#15) GOP leaders seek pledge ex-officials will avoid charges. At his Senate confirmation hearing Jan. 15, Holder said that he was not interested in "criminalizing policy differences." http://www.boston.com/news/nation/washington/articles/2009/01/26/cia_tape_case_a_vignette_of_debate_stalling_holder_confirmation/
(#16) Holder has named longtime prosecutor John H. Durham, who has parachuted into crisis situations for both political parties over three decades, to open an early review of nearly a dozen cases of alleged detainee mistreatment at the hands of CIA interrogators and contractors. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/08/24/AR2009082401743.html
news reports, quoting unnamed sources, say that if Holder decides in the coming weeks to authorize a criminal investigation it would be
limited to the “few bad apples” at the CIA who exceeded interrogation limits set by Justice Department attorneys in memos that authorized brutal acts of torture against suspected terrorists. http://pubrecord.org/law/2948/holder-torture-probe-would-likely/
16) (#17) Published on Monday, May 18, 2009 by Salon.com
The 13 People Who Made Torture Possible; The Bush administration's Torture 13. They authorized it, they decided how to implement it, and they crafted the legal fig leaf to justify it.
by Marcy Wheeler
The Torture 13 exploited the federal bureaucracy to establish a torture regime in two ways. First, they based the enhanced interrogation techniques on techniques used in the U.S. military's Survival, Evasion, Resistance and Escape (SERE) program. (The program -- which subjects volunteers from the armed services to simulated hostile capture situations -- trains servicemen and -women to withstand “harsh interrogation” techniques banned by US military code, US statutory law and International law, enshrined in the Geneva accords and the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, of which the US is a signatory to.)
The prosecutorial discrimination of the Attorney General Eric Holder is a tacit extension of the previous administration’s prosecutorial discrimination, by class, favoring Bush White House officials by turning a blind eye to their felonious criminal enterprise, including torture, and in the impunity it grants Bush administration officials the Islamic victims of torture experience more discrimination in the prosecutorial decision-making process. The precedence in Wayte v. US is clear. The remedy of the Court to correct this selective discrimination is to let Prosecutor Durham turn a scrutinizing eye to the whole criminal enterprise of the Bush administration, of which the criminal torture was just a part.
17) (#18) Torture Trail Seen Starting with Bush -A bipartisan congressional report traces the U.S. abuse of detainees at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib to President George W. Bush’s Feb. 7, 2002, action memorandum that excluded “war on terror” suspects from Geneva Convention protections. The Senate Armed Services Committee’s report http://levin.senate.gov/newsroom/supporting/2008/Detainees.121108.pdf said Bush’s memo opened the door to “considering aggressive techniques,” which were then developed with the complicity of then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Bush’s National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, and other senior officials. Bush's Feb. 7, 2002, memo prompted Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, who became the top commander in Iraq, to institute a “dozen interrogation methods beyond” the Army's standard practice under the convention, www.consortiumnews.com/2008/121208a.html - Cached - Similar
(#19) Of the 79 courts-martial (for abuse), 54 resulted in convictions. Of these, 40 soldiers were sentenced to prison time averaging four months, http://www.commondreams.org/headlines06/0427-05.htm
(#20)Torture Trail Seen Starting with Bush; President Bush told an ABC News reporter during an interview that he approved meetings of the NSC’s Principals Committee to discuss specific interrogation techniques the CIA could use against detainees. The Principals Committee included Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of State Colin Powell, CIA Director George Tenet and Attorney General Ashcroft as well as Rumsfeld and Rice.
(#21) President Bush told an ABC News reporter that he approved meetings of the NSC’s Principals Committee to discuss specific interrogation techniques the CIA could use against detainees. The Principals Committee included Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of State Colin Powell, CIA Director George Tenet and Attorney General John Ashcroft as well as Cheney and Rice. http://www.humanrightsfirst.info/pdf/06221-etn-hrf-dic-rep-web.pdf
(#22) an investigation by the Senate Intelligence Committee found that Bush and Cheney didn’t simply buy into faulty intelligence but knowingly misled Congress and the public about the threat that Iraq posed to the United States in the months leading up to the March 2003 invasion. http://www.consortiumnews.com/2008/121608a.html
(#22A) Conyers called on Holder “to appoint a special counsel to review the Bush administration abuses of power and misconduct. A criminal probe—he’s got to do that.” Conyers added that “All the breadcrumbs, as we call them, go right to the White House.”
http://jonathanturley.org/2009/07/25/conyers-calls-for-special-prosecutor-on-alleged-bush-crimes/
(#23) Col. Lawrence Wilkerson, former chief of staff of the Department of State during the term of Secretary of State Colin Powell,
“What I am saying is that no torture or harsh interrogation techniques were employed by any U.S. interrogator for the entire second term of Cheney-Bush, 2005-2009. So, if we are to believe the protestations of Dick Cheney, that Obama’s having shut down the “Cheney interrogation methods” will endanger the nation, what are we to say to Dick Cheney for having endangered the nation for the last four years of his vice presidency?”
“Likewise, what I have learned is that as the administration authorized harsh interrogation in April and May of 2002–well before the Justice Department had rendered any legal opinion–its principal priority for intelligence was not aimed at pre-empting another terrorist attack on the U.S. but discovering a smoking gun linking Iraq and al-Qa’ida.” http://themoderatevoice.com/32207/former-powell-aide-lawrence-b-wilkerson-the-truth-about-dick-cheney/
19) (#24) Torture Trail Seen Starting with Bushby Jason Leopold December 12, 2008 A bipartisan congressional report traces the U.S. abuse of detainees at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib to President George W. Bush’s Feb. 7, 2002, action memorandum that excluded “war on terror” suspects from Geneva Convention protections.The Senate Armed Services Committee’s report (http://levin.senate.gov/newsroom/supporting/2008/Detainees.121108.pdf said Bush’s memo opened the door to “considering aggressive techniques,” which were then developed with the complicity of then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Bush’s National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, and other senior officials.http://baltimorechronicle.com/2008/121208Leopold.html
(#25) New Details on Torture Deaths By Jason Leopold
In December 2002 – as the Bush administration was ratcheting up its harsh questioning of detainees – several captives died from “abusive” treatment at the hands of U.S. military interrogators in Afghanistan, according to newly declassified Defense Department documents. http://www.consortiumnews.com/2009/021209b.html(#26) On January 25, 2002, then-White House counsel Alberto Gonzales advised George W. Bush in a memo to deny al-Qaeda and Taliban prisoners protections under the Geneva Conventions because doing so would "substantially reduces the threat of domestic criminal prosecution under the War Crimes Act" and "provide a solid defense to any future prosecution."
Two weeks later, Bush signed an action memorandum dated February 7, 2002, addressed to Vice President Dick Cheney, which denied baseline protections to al-Qaeda and Taliban prisoners under the Third Geneva Convention. That memo, according to a recently released bipartisan report issued by the Senate Armed Services Committee, opened the door to "considering aggressive techniques," which were then developed with the complicity of then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Bush's National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, and other senior Bush officials.
"The President's order closed off application of Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, which would have afforded minimum standards for humane treatment, to al-Qaeda or Taliban detainees," says the committee's December 11 report. http://www.truthout.org/061709A
(#27) “In my judgment, this new paradigm renders obsolete Geneva's strict limitations on questioning of enemy prisoners and renders quaint some of its provisions," Gonzales wrote in a legal memo to President Bush on Jan. 25, 2002. Declaring the war-on-terror prisoners exempt from the Geneva Convention, he argued, "substantially reduces the threat of domestic criminal prosecution under the War Crimes Act."
Acting like a sleazy attorney advising a client on how not to be convicted of an ongoing crime, Gonzales was apparently not worried about irrational foreign courts or high-minded jurists in The Hague, but rather U.S. prosecutors who might enforce federal laws that ban torture of foreign prisoners of war. Indeed, Gonzales made the case for a legal end run around the 1996 War Crimes Act, which mandates criminal penalties, including the death sentence, for any U.S. military or other personnel who engage in crimes of torture.
"It is difficult to predict the motives of [U.S.] prosecutors and [U.S.] independent counsels who may in the future decide to pursue unwarranted charges based on Section 2441" of the act, Gonzales wrote. "Your determination [that Geneva protections are not applicable] would create a reasonable basis in law that Section 2441 does not apply, which would provide a solid defense to any future prosecution."
In light of what we have learned since about the rationalization and use of torture by U.S. interrogators over the last four years, it is difficult to ignore the possibility that Gonzales already had knowledge that such violations had occurred and expected more.
http://articles.latimes.com/2005/jan/04/opinion/oe-scheer4
20) (#28) Torture Trail Seen Starting with Bush Feb. 7, 2002, memo prompted Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, Bipartisan congressional report traces the U.S. abuse of detainees at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib to President George W. Bush’s Feb. 7, 2002, action memorandum that excluded “war on terror” suspects from Geneva Convention protections.
“The abuse of detainees in U.S. custody cannot simply be attributed to the actions of ‘a few bad apples’ acting on their own,” the committee report said. “The fact is that senior officials in the United States government solicited information on how to use aggressive techniques, redefined the law to create the appearance of their legality, and authorized their use against detainees.”, “Those efforts damaged our ability to collect accurate intelligence that could save lives, strengthened the hand of our enemies, and compromised our moral authority.” http://www.atlanticfreepress.com/news/1/6734-torture-trail-seen-starting-with-bush-.html
(#29)SENATE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE INQUIRY INTO THE TREATMENT OF DETAINEES A bipartisan congressional report traces the U.S. abuse of detainees at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib to President George W. Bush’s Feb. 7, 2002, action memorandum that excluded “war on terror” suspects from Geneva Convention protections.The Senate Armed Services Committee’s report, (http://media.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/pdf/12112008_detaineeabuse.pdf?sid=ST2008121101970&s_pos=list ) (which) said, Bush’s memo opened the door to “considering aggressive techniques,” which were then developed with the complicity of then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Bush’s National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, and other senior officials.
http://media.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/nation/pdf/12112008_detaineeabuse.pdf?sid=ST2008121101970&s_pos=list
21) (#30) WASHINGTON (AP), Col. Janis Karpinski : "The line (of authority) is very clear. It was cloudy for years," Karpinski said. In an interview on CBS's "The Early Show," she pointed to findings that the authorization for harsh interrogation tactics originated "from the very top" in Washington and was given to military people at Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo and elsewhere. "Scapegoated is the perfect word," she said, "and it's an understatement." Karpinski said the Senate report is "black and white proof" that uniformed servicemen and women were not alone responsible for the abuses. http://www.necn.com/Boston/Nation/2009/04/22/Army-officer-vindicated-by/1240401509.html
(#31) Senate probe blames top Bush officials for abuses "
“Senior officials in the United States government solicited information on how to use aggressive techniques, redefined the law to create the appearance of their legality, and authorized their use against detainees," said the report's 19-page unclassified executive summary. "Those efforts damaged our ability to collect accurate intelligence that could save lives, strengthened the hand of our enemies, and compromised our moral authority." http://www.mcclatchydc.com/staff/jonathan_landay/v-print/story/57631.html
(#32)The Army general who led the investigation into prisoner abuse at Iraq's Abu Ghraib prison accused the Bush administration Wednesday of committing "war crimes" and called for those responsible to be held to account.
“After years of disclosures by government investigations, media accounts and reports from human rights organizations, there is no longer any doubt as to whether the current administration has committed war crimes," Taguba wrote,k "The only question that remains to be answered is whether those who ordered the use of torture will be held to account." http://www.mcclatchydc.com/251/story/41514.html
22.) (#33) TORTURING AN IRAQ-AL QAEDA CONNECTION: As McClatchy reported, "[T]he Bush administration applied relentless pressure on interrogators to use harsh methods on detainees in part to find evidence of cooperation between al Qaida and the late Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein's regime."
Such information -- which doesn't exist -- "would've provided a foundation" for Bush's arguments for invading Iraq in 2003. According to the Armed Services Committee report, former U.S. Army psychiatrist Maj. Charles Burney told Army investigators in 2006 that
"the more frustrated people got in not being able to establish that link...there was more and more pressure to resort to measures that might produce more immediate results." Read more at: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/the-progress-report/the-tortured-past_b_190625.html
(#34) MEMORANDUM FOR: The President, FROM: Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS), SUBJECT: Torture
“This memorandum is VIPS’ first attempt to inform you on a major intelligence issue, as we did your predecessor; thus, some background might be helpful. Five former CIA officers established Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS) in January 2003, when we saw our profession being corrupted to justify an attack on Iraq. Since then, our numbers have grown to 70 intelligence professionals, mostly retired, who have served in virtually all U.S. civilian and military intelligence agencies.In our first Memorandum for the President (George W. Bush), dated February 5, 2003, we provided a same-day commentary on Colin Powell’s U.N. speech. We warned the president that “an invasion of Iraq would ensure overflowing recruitment centers for terrorists into the indefinite future [and that] far from eliminating the [terrorist] threat, it would enhance it exponentially.”
For the cheerleading for war had begun—a war that would fit the post-WWII Nuremberg Tribunal’s description of a “war of aggression.” Nuremberg defined such a war as “the supreme international crime, differing from other war crimes only in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole.”
No doubt you appreciate better than anyone that the official Department of Justice memoranda you insisted be released last week are a national disgrace. Worse still are the first-hand accounts by young soldiers at Guantanamo of perversions like “rape by instrumentality.” You should be aware that this was a practice adamantly defended by former White House lawyers when Congress attempted to draft legislation expressly prohibiting it. Asked to explain their objection, Bush administration lawyers acknowledged that they were worried that such legislation might subject practitioners to prosecution under state and federal criminal statutes.”
http://www.commongroundcommonsense.org/forums/lofiversion/index.php/t108255.html
24.) (#35) Crawford, a retired judge who served as general counsel for the Army during the Reagan administration and as Pentagon inspector general when Dick Cheney was secretary of defense, is the first senior Bush administration official responsible for reviewing practices at Guantanamo to publicly state that a detainee was tortured.
Crawford, 61, said the combination of the interrogation techniques, their duration and the impact on Qahtani's health led to her conclusion.
"The techniques they used were all authorized, but the manner in which they applied them was overly aggressive and too persistent. . . . You think of torture, you think of some horrendous physical act done to an individual. This was not any one particular act; this was just a combination of things that had a medical impact on him, that hurt his health. It was abusive and uncalled for. And coercive. Clearly coercive. It was that medical impact that pushed me over the edge" to call it torture, she said.
“I sympathize with the intelligence gatherers in those days after 9/11, not knowing what was coming next and trying to gain information to keep us safe," said Crawford, a lifelong Republican. "But there still has to be a line that we should not cross. And unfortunately what this has done, I think, has tainted everything going forward."
In May 2008, Crawford ordered the war-crimes charges against Qahtani dropped but did not state publicly that the harsh interrogations were the reason. "It did shock me," Crawford said. "I was upset by it. I was embarrassed by it. If we tolerate this and allow it, then how can we object when our servicemen and women, or others in foreign service, are captured and subjected to the same techniques? How can we complain? Where is our moral authority to complain? Well, we may have lost it.” articles.latimes.com/2009/jan/14/nation/na-gitmo14
The harsh techniques used against Qahtani, she said, were approved by then-Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld. "A lot of this happened on his watch," she said. Last month, a Senate Armed Services Committee report concluded that "Rumsfeld's authorization of aggressive interrogation techniques for use at Guantanamo Bay was a direct cause of detainee abuse there."
Crawford has not blocked prosecution of the other five detainees. Ultimately, she says, the responsibility for the farrago of illegal detentions and torture rests with President Bush.
Crawford said. "I think the buck stops in the Oval Office." http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/01/13/AR2009011303372.html?hpid=topnews
(#36)MEMORANDUM FOR: The President, FROM: Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS), SUBJECT: Torture
70 intelligence professionals, mostly retired, who have served in virtually all U.S. civilian and military intelligence agencies say,
“You need to know that the vast majority of intelligence professionals deplore “extraordinary rendition” and the other torture procedures that were subsequently ordered by senior Bush administration officials.”
http://www.commongroundcommonsense.org/forums/lofiversion/index.php/t108255.html
(#37) In the hours immediately after the Sept. 11 attacks, long before anyone was certain who was responsible for them, Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld reportedly asked that plans be drawn up for an American assault on Iraq. The following day, in a Cabinet meeting at the White House, Rumsfeld, according to Bob Woodward, insisted that Iraq should be "a principal target of the first round in the war against terrorism." The president reportedly was advised that "public opinion has to be prepared before a move against Iraq is possible" http://s3.amazonaws.com/911timeline/2003/latimes011203.html
(#38) Attorney-general nominee Eric Holder, at his confirmation hearing: "No one is above the law," Holder said, but added that he also didn't "want to criminalize policy differences that exist" between administrations. http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2009-01-15-holder-hearing_N.htm
(#39)The Rule of Law means that "...no one is above the law", not even England's King John who was required to abide by the law through the Magna Carta.
John Rawls, a Harvard professor, wrote in his seminal book, A Theory of Justice, that the purpose of The Rule of Law is to protect citizens through the regular and impartial administration of public rules. Rawls goes on to point out that "One kind of unjust action is the failure of judges and others in authority to apply the appropriate rule or to interpret it correctly." He observes that injustice does not necessarily come about by revelation of judicial crimes or corruption, but rather through "...subtle distortions of prejudice and bias as these effectively discriminate against certain groups in the judicial process."
http://www.bulletinsfromaloha.org/weekly/2008/1/1/common-law-does-not-make-common-sense.html
(#40)Federal assistance to States, local jurisdictions, and Indian tribes to prosecute hate crimes -Authorizes the Attorney General to award grants to state, local, and tribal law enforcement agencies for extraordinary expenses associated with the investigation and prosecution of hate crimes.
http://www.washingtonwatch.com/bills/show/111_HR_1913.html
(#41)Torturing the Rule of Law
We have fallen a long way in such a short time. Rather than enforce international principles we once pioneered by prosecuting former officials who enabled torture, our nation today violates those principles with impunity.
Torture harmed our international relations with even allies like Britain, which curtailed cooperation with the CIA because of inhumane detainee treatment. Moreover, as the U.S. Air Force Major whose interrogations found the leader of Al-Qaeda in Iraq has written, “Torture and abuse became Al Qaida’s number one recruiting tool and cost us American lives.” Criminal prosecution would place the arguments of Bush administration apologists in the context they deserve.
Other costs of avoiding prosecution are less concrete but equally severe. For instance, failing to prosecute, by definition, erodes the rule of law. Law entails the consistent application of neutral principles across differing contexts. Yet our nation tolerates vast inequalities in prosecution. Between 2006 and 2007, over 320,000 Americans received prison sentences for non-violent offenses. In sharp contrast, among the senior officials responsible for authorizing torture, none have faced even a criminal investigation — let alone charges, prosecution or a sentence.
Hundreds of lawyers across the country recently wrote the Attorney General and Congress to explain how this unequal justice undermines the legitimacy of our legal system. They wrote, “The severity of systemic disadvantages in the criminal process grows more disturbing — and the system’s legitimacy grows less secure — when violations of our nation’s most fundamental commitments carry no consequences for potential criminals who wield political influence”
http://www.constitutioncampaign.org/blog/?p=55
(#42)A former Pakistani diplomat has told the BBC that the US was planning military action against Osama Bin Laden and the Taleban even before last week's attacks.
Niaz Naik, a former Pakistani Foreign Secretary, was told by senior American officials in mid-July that military action against Afghanistan would go ahead by the middle of October.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/1550366.stm
(#43)The ex-terrorism official dazzles at the 9/11 commission hearings
http://www.slate.com/id/2097750/
Petition regarding Holder's Discrimination
Though I’m NOT an attorney, I’ve done enough research to make germane legal arguments. This Petition, regarding discrimination in Eric Holder’s prosecutorial discretion was filed in the US District Court, District of Columbia on 7/27/09.
PETITION for a WRIT of MANDAMUS
A.) Preface 1.) Suppose the White House one day, because of a monstrous crime, began a campaign of demonizing "black violence" in a prolonged series of speeches, press conferences and press releases, and issued directives to the military for soldiers to capture, abuse and torture blacks merely suspected of violence, even if some of them might be innocent. Then, as a result of these directives, many hundreds of blacks were abused and gruesomely tortured. We should be surprised if, years later, after a change in administration, when publicity about the abuse and torture of blacks and righteous public out-rage that such inhumanity and uncivilized, criminal behavior be done in the name of the United States and its honored, beloved Constitution, the responsible government officials only prosecuted several low-ranking soldiers and agents of the crimes of abuse and torture. While numerous officers and officials up the chain of command responsibility, including those persons positioned in the deliberative chambers of the White House itself. who considered and approved, then directed the cruel, dehumanizing treatment were not held accountable. Yes, earlier, because the victims were black, and the White House had been demonizing blacks in an on-going, self-serving, well-publicized campaign, the prosecution for the crimes of torture and abuse of the blacks was half-hearted and occurred only in the military, of low-rank, for the Attorney General refused to prosecute crimes of torture and abuse against White House officials, ignoring the reams of evidence, because the victims were all, after all, only blacks, as in what happened in pre-Mandela South Africa Suppose though, in this hypothetical development, the term "Jews" were substituted for "blacks", would that not resemble what happened in Nazi Germany? How about then substituting the term "Islamics” for "blacks". Would that not resemble what happened under the Bush administration at Abu Garaib and Gitmo? Wouldn't that abuse and torture, authorized and directed from the White House qualify as a discriminatory hate crime, especially deserving vigorous prosecution?
2.) In the preceding hypothetical scenario, the prosecutors were discriminatory in their prosecutorial decisions in two ways: 1st, by prosecuting only lower-ranked soldiers who implemented the illegal directives given to them, while failing to prosecute with vigor all who passed on the illegal directives, including those White House officials who instigated and directed the illegal acts of abuse and torture of captives including removing Geneva protections from Islamic detainees, thereby discriminating by class. 2nd, by failing to vigorously prosecute all involved in the criminal abuse and torture because all the victims of the abuse and torture were black, the prosecutor is showing, again, discrimination in his prosecutorial decisions. By stating that he "will not criminalize policy differences"(#1), the current Attorney General is stating his intention to continue that discrimination in prosecutorial decisions. By obviously failing to prosecute occurrences of discriminatory torture, tacit approval is given and the “foul-lines” are moved. Geneva conventions wisely insist on vigorous prosecution of all torture, without discrimination. The White House directed policy of “harsh interrogations” was torture and torture is a very serious crime and not a policy which the US Constitution and treaties signed by every civilized nation forbid, because its evil nature harms far more than the poor, tortured victim. Torture, of course, offends and distorts the minds and hearts of the victims’ family, ethnic groups, and nation, but it also offends and distorts the mind and hearts of the torturers and his nation. All society is made barbaric by torture. Torture is thus a crime against humanity, against civilization. Petitioner pleads for not only prosecution without discrimination but also that the Court direct the appropriate executive offices of the government to fulfill the government’s obligation under the Convention Against Torture providing for the full integration of education and information about the prohibition against torture into the training of law enforcement personnel, civil or military, medical personnel, public officials and others. (#2)
B.) INTRODUCTION
3.) The Attorney General's office recently revealed to reporters that he was leaning toward appointing a prosecutor within several weeks to investigate whether CIA interrogators tortured suspected terrorists beyond the rules set by President Bush’s own justice department which allowed some forms of “enhanced interrogation”, that is, torture, including water-boarding(#3) , or anticipated them before they were actually made. However, Petitioner Elliott declares that limiting the scope of criminal investigation and prosecution to agents and soldiers implementing the criminal policy while ignoring the crimes of those in the Bush administration's White House who conspired to develop and direct the crimes of torture is improper discrimination in the prosecutorial decision-making process, which is disallowed by the Court in Wayte v. United States 470 U.S. 598, "the decision to prosecute may not be 'deliberately based upon an unjustifiable standard such as race, religion, or other arbitrary classification“. Petitioner begs the Court recognize that "soldiers, agents, or White House Officials" are arbitrary classifications of individuals participating in the same criminal scheme of torture and abuse. The Attorney General's intention to discriminate has been telegraphed by Mr. Holder, when, in Congressional testimony, he stated that he "would not criminalize policy differences". Since policies are developed and directed by White House Officials, he is making it clear he intends to discriminate by class by Not prosecuting these former White House officials, even while soldiers and agents have been or are going to be prosecuted for the torture they, the same White House officials have instigated and directed. Such a stated intention by Holder fulfills the Court's requirement of Washington v. Davis, 426 US 229, showing an intention to discriminate by the Attorney General, to prove that there has been discrimination in the process of prosecutorial decision-making, disallowed by the Court in Wayte v. United States. The purpose for this discrimination has been stated publicly by the Attorney General, that is, he is concerned how prosecuting those in the Bush administration for torture will affect the President's legislative agenda. But, as the Court said in Marbury v Madison 1 Cranch 137, 177.,
"If one of the heads of departments(or government) commits any illegal act, under the color of his office, by which an individual sustains an injury, it cannot be pretended that his office alone exempts him from ...the judgment of the law".
4.) Petitioner claims further that the torture of numerous Islamic detainees, (all the hundreds, maybe thousands, of victims of US torture have been Islamic -more accurately, no victim of US torture could be found who was not Islamic), coupled with the propaganda campaign demonizing Islamics, orchestrated by the Bush White House, of hatred against "Islamic extremists" and "Islamic terrorists" constitutes hate crimes,ie. Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2009 (H.R. 1913, HCPA) especially worthy of vigorous prosecution of all involved in the torture and abuse offenses suffered by the Islamic detainees. The Attorney General will be engaging in prosecutorial discrimination regarding the victims' Islamic religion should he follow through on the reported intention to use the flawed reasoning and interpretation contained in the widely criticized "Bybee memos" or "torture memos" of what constitutes a violation of 18 USC 2340,2340A and 2441. The Court should not allow the Attorney General the use of the flawed memos as guidance in filing indictments for crimes of torture and abuse under 18 USC 2340,2340A and 2441, lest they become legal standards, precedents for the executive in its treatment of detainees hereafter, for the flawed "torture memos" were developed at the direction of the same Bush White House officials who were orchestrating the discriminatory hate propaganda against "Islamic extremists" and "Islamic terrorists", and using them would constitute prosecutorial discrimination.(#4) These same standards of the "torture memos" have been replaced at the DOJ for their faulty legal reasoning, so they should hardly be used as a guide for determining whether laws have been broken. The United States is a nation of laws, not memos.(#4A) We must remember that the beneficiaries of the Attorney General’s prosecutorial discrimination, the presidential staff, is uniquely situated. If anyone was sincerely concerned with the legality of various interrogation methods, including the attorneys, they could have just picked up a phone and asked the The Most Honorable Chief Justice of the United States! Instead, they asked their obliging attorneys who willing to interpret the law diabolically and disingenuously as part of their criminal conspiracy. John Yoo even publicly argued there is no law that could prevent the President from ordering the torture of a child of a suspect in custody – including by crushing that child’s testicles. (#4B)
5.) Petitioner herein pleads with the Court to remedy this prosecutorial discrimination by ensuring that the Attorney General give the prosecutor he has already stated he intends to appoint for prosecution of torture crimes wide latitude and political independence, so the scope of the subsequent investigation and prosecution includes as defendants the White House officials who ordered and directed the Torture and abuse of Islamic detainees under 18 USC 2340,2340A and 2441 as well as any concomitant felonies whose enterprise was furthered by the torture of Ibn Libi and others.(#5) The scope of investigation and prosecution needs to include as well prosecution of the whole criminal enterprise of concomitant felonious crimes of fraud and perjuries that led to the war in Iraq(#8), as reports indicate that the policy of "harsh interrogations", that is, torture, began with the torture of Ibn al-Shaykh al- Libi in January of 2002 who was tortured until he told his tormentors what they wanted to hear. (#5A) He was subjected to ever-harsher interrogation techniques) that is, torture, until he fabricated a tale linking Saddam Hussein with Al Qaeda, by claiming that Saddam Hussein had offered to train two al-Qaeda operatives in the use of chemical and biological weapons to provide a justification for the Invasion of Iraq(#6)(#33). Although the Defense Department’s own Defense Intelligence Agency had concluded and informed the White House, in February 2002, that Ibn al-Libi was “intentionally misleading” his interrogators(#7), the lies he was tortured to tell endured and were used by the Bush White House policy-makers to reinforce their perjuries and fraud to Congress as justification to invade Iraq(#8) although the CIA had identified Ibn Libi as a “likely fabricator”(#9). Thus, the crimes of torture against Islamic detainees committed by Bush White House officials are a part of the same larger criminal enterprise of the perjuries and fraud that led to the Iraq war, which has cost the US its treasure and thousands of lives, so they could enrich themselves(Cheney-Halliburton), their friends(big oil and defense contractors) and their agenda.(#9A)
6.) Petitioner pleads with the Court to correct or prevent prosecutorial discrimination by the Attorney General regarding prosecution for crimes of torture and abuse of detainees. the Court needs to ensure that the "catastrophically flawed" reasoning in the "torture memos" from the Bush DOJ at the direction of Bush White House officials (#10) to justify their crimes of torture and abuse are not given legitimacy by being used as the legal parameters of the definition of torture in legal indictments by the Attorney General. Petitioner fears, and the Court should be concerned that the widely criticized torture memos would become legal standards, precedents for the executive in its treatment of detainees hereafter, should the Attorney General be allowed to use the flawed memos as guidance in filing indictments for crimes of torture and abuse (#11).
7.) Petitioner pleads that the Court needs to involve itself in defining more clearly what are the legal limits that interrogators are allowed to use with detainees in their custody. Petitioners suggests the court define limits as what would be appropriate for the treatment of one’s own children were they captured as soldiers by an enemy. Under the "Charming Betsy Rule", Murray v. Charming Betsy, 6 U.S. (2 Cranch) 64, 2 L.Ed. 208 (1804) "congressional acts must be construed in conformity with customary international law." Weinberger v Rossi, 456 U.S. 25(1982) "federal law must be interpreted consistently with international law when the federal law is ambiguous." Therefore the arguably ambiguous language in both federal statutory and common law regarding what is “extreme pain and mental stress” must be construed in conformity with the international human rights treaties and humanitarian laws of Geneva requiring states to prosecute persons for international crimes.(International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, p. 93).
A.. JURISDICTION: 8.) The United States District Court, District of Columbia has jurisdiction over the subject matter of this cause of action pursuant to the provisions of Title 28 U.S.C. 1361 -Action to compel an officer of the United States to perform his duty. Title 28 United States Code Chapter 85 Section 1331 actions arising under the Constitution, laws, or treaties of the United States, Title 28 section 1346 -the United States as defendant the district court shall have jurisdiction. Title 18 USC 7(9) With respect to offenses committed by national of the United States as that term is used in section 101 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, Title 28 USC Section 547 -each United States attorney (will) 1) prosecute for all offenses against the United States.
9.) Venue is proper in this Court pursuant to Title 28 United States Code, Chapter 87, Section 1391 - The defendant being an officer of the United States, the United States Attorney General; District of Columbia being the seat of U.S. government.
10.) Mandamus is regarded as an extraordinary writ reserved for special situations. Among its ordinary preconditions are that the agency or official have acted (or failed to act) in disregard of a clear legal duty and that there be no adequate conventional means for review. In re Bluewater Network & Ocean Advocates, 234 F.3d 1305, 1315 (D.C. Cir. 2000); Telecomm. Research & Action Ctr. v. FCC, 750 F.2d 70, 78 (D.C. Cir. 1984). Mandamus will be granted if the Petitioner shows “(1) the presence of novel and significant questions of law; (2) the inadequacy of other available remedies; and (3) the presence of a legal issue whose resolution will aid in the administration of justice”, see In re United States, 10 F.3d 229 at 931, 933 (2d Cir. 1993). Plaintiff will fulfill these requirements.Marbury v Madison 1 Cranch 137, 177 :"But where he is directed by law to do a certain act affecting the absolute rights of individuals, in the performance of which he is not placed under the particular direction of the president, and the performance of which the president cannot lawfully forbid,.......... it is not perceived on what ground the courts of the country are further excused from the duty of giving judgment," "This writ, if awarded, would be directed to an officer of government, and its mandate to him would be… to do a particular thing therein specified, which appertains to his office and duty, and which the court has previously determined or at least supposes to be consonant to right and justice." 11.) Whereas the Plaintiff petitions the Court for a writ of mandamus only as a last resort, having exhausted, to the point of harassment, appeals to the Department of Justice and Congressmen and Senators, as well as participating vigorously in the electoral process for enforcement of US and International laws torture and the prosecution of those responsible for transgressing them. And insofar as numerous organizations have also called for the prosecution of Bush White House officials for the crime of torture(#12). And because Torture is an especially heinous and vile crime, in this case, indeed, a HATE CRIME, against a religions group -Islamics, so vigorous and thorough prosecution of the crime of torture is important. Not only is torture cruel and inhuman, but it damages and undermines and sullies culture, civilization and the very psyche of an American population that endeavors to rationalize why it's own government officials and soldiers would resort to such barbaric tactics.
12.) Whereas the Defendant's prosecutorial decision process is subject to the ordinary constitutional standard of equal protection, the judiciary needs to ensure that it meets that standard. "Equal Justice Under the Law" is engraved upon the building housing the Dept. of Justice. The doctrine of separation of powers, rather than requiring unquestioning judicial deference to the Executive's prosecutorial decision-making, instead affirmatively permits the courts to assert their own constitutionally granted duty to say “what the law is" and ensuring the proper, equal administration of justice in the executive's execution of the law, including as regards discrimination in the prosecution of violations of US statutes.
13.) Under the equal protection component of the Fifth Amendment's Due Process Clause, "the decision may not be deliberately based on race, religion or other arbitrary classification," Wayte v. United States, 470 U.S. 598 “the decision to prosecute may not be 'deliberately based upon an unjustifiable standard such as race, religion, or other arbitrary classification." Petitioner begs the Court recognize that "soldiers, agents, or White House Officials" are arbitrary classifications of individuals participating in the same criminal scheme of torture and abuse.
14.) The Plaintiff notes that while 9 lower-ranking soldiers were prosecuted for implementing the White House abuse and torture policy at Abu Graib and 37 troops have been disciplined for abuse throughout the Iraq-Afghanistan theatre of war as of 12/04 (#13), none of the White House officials involved in developing and directing the abuse and torture policy have been prosecuted. Despite their geographical distance, the While House officials and the soldiers were similarly situated on the same "chain of command", though on different ends of the "chain." The US Senate Armed Services Committee said in its report of, "Attempts by senior officials to pass the buck to low-ranking soldiers while avoiding any responsibility for abuses are unconscionable. The message from top officials was clear; it was acceptable to use degrading and abusive techniques against detainees."(#14) The “senior officials”, especially those who held positions in the Bush White House must be prosecuted as well, or the US Constitution and rule of law will be diminished because of discrimination. And that, the Court cannot permit.
15.) Plaintiff Elliott acts pro se herein to decry the defendant's, Attorney General Eric Holder's, statement of discriminatory intent(called for by the Court in Washington v. Davis, 426 US 229 (1976). at his Congressional confirmation hearing, he said, "...I will not criminalize policy differences"(#15). Perhaps with the goal of protecting executive policy makers and their assumed powers from the previous administration in mind. Furthermore, by stating he “will not criminalize policy differences", Eric Holder thereby is showing intent to discriminate in his prosecution of the crime of torture. Policy is formulated and directed from the White House and that is where the policy of “enhanced interrogation”, that is, torture, originated. Soldiers involved in implementing that torture policy developed in the White House have been prosecuted and he's reportedly leaning toward prosecuting those “rogue” CIA agents who went beyond even the illegally broad guidelines in the flawed "torture memos"(#16). Clearly, by his stated intent, he is showing a discriminatory purpose or intent in his exercise of prosecutorial decisions on the basis of arbitrary classification, that is, rank in the chain of command. Holder is indicating his intention not to prosecute White House officials who kept authorizing increasingly harsh interrogation techniques although allowing for the prosecution of soldiers and agents. Such expression of "discriminatory purpose or intent" proves the discrimination of not prosecuting White House officials while allowing for the prosecution of soldiers and agents is not “incidental” , Washington v. Davis, 426 US 229 (1976).
16.) In Wayte v. United States, 470 U.S. 598 The Court recognized that prosecutor's decisions could not be based on "race, religion, or other arbitrary classification". Plaintiff prays that the Court recognize that military rank or rank of office are arbitrary classifications, so the Attorney General's decision not to investigate and prosecute suspect White House officials(#17), while soldiers of lower rank have been or, are going to be, prosecuted is discriminatory, particularly when an abundance of evidence has already become public knowledge that incriminates at least 13 principal White Houses officials. Although the Constitution grants the chief executive power to pardon those convicted of crimes, the executive is not precluded from "faithfully executing the law". Because the executive has displayed discriminatory intent and exercised discrimination in its prosecutorial discretion, the court has cause to involve itself to see that equal justice is done.
17.) The Plaintiff pleads the Court use its special power to issue a writ of mandamus by directing the Defendant Holder remedy a situation where prosecutorial discrimination has occurred in the prosecution of the detainee abuse and torture at Abu Ghraib, Gitmo and elsewhere. Thus far As the Court noted in Boumediene v. Bush, it is the
"duty and authority of the Judiciary to call the jailer to account.” and, "protect against the cyclical abuses of the writ(or the 8th Amendment) by the Executive and Legislative Branches."
*The remedy for the prosecutorial discrimination committed by the government is to widen the parameters of the Prosecutor to include consideration of the extensive evidence incriminating those Bush White House officials who developed and directed the policy of torture and abuse, just as 79 soldiers have been court-martialed(as of 4/2006)(#19) for torture as well as any concomitant felonies. President Bush told an ABC News reporter during an interview that he approved meetings of the NSC’s Principals Committee to discuss specific interrogation techniques(#20) the CIA could use against detainees. The Principals Committee included Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of State Colin Powell, CIA Director George Tenet and Attorney General Ashcroft as well as Rumsfeld and Rice.(#21)
18.) Thus far policy-makers in the White House who instigated and directed the "harsh interrogation techniques" that amounted to torture have escaped prosecution, while at least(as of 4/2006) 79 US soldiers have been court-martialed for "detainee abuse" stemming from the criminal directives and authorizations from the White House policy-makers. The Attorney General's stated intent "not to criminalize policy differences", refusing to investigate and prosecute these 13 Bush White House officials who authorized the abuse and torture, while soldiers of lower rank have been prosecuted is discriminatory, particularly when an abundance of incriminating evidence has already become public knowledge. Despite, what Rep. Conyers said is "reams of evidence incriminating White House officials".(#22)(#22A)
Colin Powell's former chief of staff, Col. Lawrence Wilkerson dropped a bombshell, “what I have learned is that as the administration authorized harsh interrogation in April and May of 2002 -well before the Justice Dept. had rendered any legal opinion -its principal priority for intelligence was not aimed at pre-empting another terrorist attack on the U.S. but discovering a smoking gun linking Iraq and al-Qa'ida.” (#23)
19.) Bush’s Feb. 7, 2002, memo prompted Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, who became the top commander in Iraq, to institute a “dozen interrogation methods beyond” the Army’s standard practice under the convention, according to a report by a panel headed by James Schlesinger on the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuses in 2004 (#24). On Dec. 2, 2002, Rumsfeld authorized “aggressive interrogation techniques,” leading to
“interrogation policies and plans approved by senior military and civilian officials [that] conveyed the message that physical pressures and degradation were appropriate treatment for detainees in U.S. military custody,”
the committee report said(#25). On January 25, 2002, then-White House counsel Alberto Gonzales advised George W. Bush in a memo to deny al-Qaeda and Taliban prisoners protections under the Geneva Conventions(#26) because doing so would "substantially reduces the threat of domestic criminal prosecution under the War Crimes Act" and "provide a solid defense to any future prosecution."(#27) This memo reveals a “cognizance of guilt” that the torture of Ibn Libi and the already intended torture of other Islamic detainees had been a violation of US and international law and that a defense needed to be manufactured to justify it.
20.) A bipartisan congressional report traces the U.S. abuse of detainees at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib to President George W. Bush’s Feb. 7, 2002, action memorandum that excluded “war on terror” suspects from Geneva Convention protections. The Senate Armed Services Committee’s report said Bush’s memo opened the door to “considering aggressive techniques,” which were then developed with the complicity of then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Bush’s National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, and other senior officials.(#28) The 19-page report is the final installment in the Armed Services Committee’s 18-month investigation, which generated 38,000 pages of documents and relied upon the testimony of 70 people.
“The President’s order closed off application of Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions” which would have afforded minimum standards for humane treatment, to al-Qaeda or Taliban detainees. “The abuse of detainees in U.S. custody cannot simply be attributed to the actions of ‘a few bad apples’ acting on their own,” the committee report said,
“The fact is that senior officials in the United States government solicited information on how to use aggressive techniques, redefined the law to create the appearance of their legality, and authorized their use against (Islamic) detainees.”(#29)
21.) Five years ago, revelations of the torture of prisoners in Iraq at Abu Ghraib prison resulted in the prosecution of low-ranking members of a military police unit headed by then-Brigadier General Janis Karpinski, who was demoted to colonel for not having prevented abuse of detainees, despite evidence that such “extraordinary measures” had been sanctioned by commanders in Washington. Col. Janis Karpinski told Howard K. Smith,
She added that this week’s Senate report is “black and white proof” that uniformed servicemen and women were not alone responsible for the abuses.(#30) The Bush administration’s handling of the Abu Ghraib scandal drew especially sharp criticism from the Armed Services Committee chairman,
“Attempts by senior officials to pass the buck to low-ranking soldiers while avoiding any responsibility for abuses are unconscionable,” Levin said. “The message from top officials was clear; it was acceptable to use degrading and abusive techniques against detainees.”
“The abuse of detainees in U.S. custody cannot simply be attributed to the actions of ‘a few bad apples’ acting on their own,” the committee report of The Senate Armed Services Committee’s said. “The fact is that senior officials in the United States government solicited information on how to use aggressive techniques, redefined the law to create the appearance of their legality, and authorized their use against detainees.” (#31)
Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba, who led an early investigation of abuses at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq said,
“there is no longer any doubt as to whether the current(Bush) administration has committed war crimes. The only question that remains to be answered is whether those who ordered the use of torture will be held to account.” (#32)
22.) As the 2008 Senate Armed Services Committee report made clear, interrogators at Gitmo were under “pressure” to produce evidence of ties between Iraq and al Qaeda, even though they were ultimately unsuccesful.
“While we were there a large part of the time we were focused on trying to establish a link between al Qaida and Iraq and we were not successful in establishing a link between al Qaida and Iraq…the more frustrated people got in not being able to establish that link…there was more and more pressure to resort to measures that might produce more immediate results…" said Army psychiatrist Maj. Charles Burney telling Army
investigators in 2006 that interrogators at the Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, detention facility were under "pressure" to produce evidence of ties between al Qaida and Iraq.(#33)
The Bush Administration used torture to intentionally extract false confessions linking Al Qaeda (and 9/11) to Iraq, to give Bush a false "causus belli" to invade Iraq. Let’s say this slowly: the Bush administration wanted to use 9/11 as a pretext to invade Iraq, even though Iraq had nothing to do with 9/11, and in so doing they used torture to advance their aforementioned criminal conspiracy, including the perjuries and fraud which led to the US invasion of Iraq on 3/20/03. So it tortured people to make them confess to a nonexistent link, only stopping the continuing and ever-harsher torture techniques when the victims fabricated information, telling their tormentors what they wanted to hear. There’s a word for this: it’s evil…as well as felonious. A former U.S. Army psychiatrist, Maj. Charles Burney, told Army investigators in 2006 that interrogators at the Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, detention facility were under "pressure" to produce evidence of ties between al Qaida and Iraq. "The more frustrated people got in not being able to establish that link . . . there was more and more pressure to resort to measures that might produce more immediate results.", said Burney.
“The cheerleading for war had begun-a war that would fit the post-WWII Nuremberg Tribunal's description of a "war of aggression." Nuremberg defined such a war as “the supreme international crime, differing from other war crimes only in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole.” (#34)
24.) Susan J. Crawford was the convening authority of the military commissions at Guantanamo Bay. Crawford said,
"If we tolerate this and allow it, then how can we object when our servicemen and women, or others in foreign service, are captured and subjected to the same techniques? How can we complain? Where is our moral authority to complain? Well, we may have lost it." Crawford said. "I think the buck stops in the Oval Office." (#35)
70 intelligence professionals, mostly retired, who have served in virtually all U.S. civilian and military intelligence agencies say,
“You need to know that the vast majority of intelligence professionals deplore “extraordinary rendition” and the other torture procedures that were subsequently ordered by senior Bush administration officials.” (#36)
25.) America's historic values in time of war: "Treat them with humanity, and let them have no reason to Complain of our Copying the brutal example of the British Army in their treatment of our unfortunate brethren who have fallen into their hands." — George Washington, January 8, 1777,
"Military necessity does not admit of cruelty — that is, the infliction of suffering for the sake of suffering or for revenge, nor of maiming or wounding except in fight, nor of torture to extort confessions. It does not admit of the use of poison in any way, nor of the wanton devastation of a district. It admits of deception, but disclaims acts of perfidy; and, in general, military necessity does not include any act of hostility which makes the return to peace unnecessarily difficult." - Abraham Lincoln, , 1863
"Our values and the laws governing warfare teach us to respect human dignity, maintain our integrity, and do what is right. Adherence to our values distinguishes us from our enemy….Some may argue that we would be more effective if we sanctioned torture or other expedient methods to obtain information from the enemy. They would be wrong. Beyond the basic fact that such actions are illegal, history shows they also are frequently neither useful nor necessary….What sets us apart from our enemies in this fight is how we behave. In everything we do, we must observe the standards and values that dictate that we treat noncombatants and detainees with dignity and respect." General David Petraeus, Commander, U.S. military in Iraq, May 10, 2007
26.) Impunity, that is, exempting torturers from punishment, undermines the systems built up over the years to protect against torture. When society's defenses are down, any opportunistic pretext - such as the need to combat ''terrorism'', the fight against crime, or hostility to groups such as asylum-seekers - may be used as a license to torture. Impunity must also be overcome because it adds to the wrong that has been done to the victims of torture. Impunity adds insult to injury, it prolongs the original pain of torture by seeking to deny that it ever took place - a further affront to the dignity and humanity of the victim. Torture itself twists the hearts and minds of the people of the torturer as well as that of the poor victims, as people try to rationalize and justify crimes of their soldiers and government. Impunity for torturers increases the outrage and hate in the people of the victim, for it not only disrespects the victim, but allows for possible repetition of the torture with impunity, even encouraging it, as well as providing tacit approval. Intelligence officers know from experience that information obtained from torture is unreliable and very counter-productive, even dangerous, for misinformation from torture can reinforce misconceptions and bolster a criminal fraud, as the plaintiff alleges herein.
The wise jurists know that torture is usually a crime of discrimination, ie. Of black slaves, Jewish prisoners or Islamic detainees, torture is an hate crime.
A soldier or agent may feel the passion of generalized hatred for the enemy during a war. They need guidelines and the laws against torture, ie, 18 USC 2440A, Geneva and the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, to serve as boundaries, foul-lines, beyond which is forbidden behavior, which must be prosecuted, otherwise, the perceived boundaries or foul-lines are moved, or, at least, are uncertain, to the actual soldier or agent in the field. Regarding torture, especially, the need exists for the Court to mandate the prosecution of credible allegations of torture, or, at least, to require a jurisdiction’s prosecutor to show cause to the Court why evidence of such dangerous transgressions of the law are not being prosecuted. The Court needs to make clear to the executive branch, to all members of the “chain of command” exactly what is permissible custodial treatment and intelligent interrogation to say “what the law is”, Marbury v Madison . As the Court noted in Boumediene v. Bush, it is the "duty and authority of the Judiciary to call the jailer to account.” and, "protect against the cyclical abuses of the writ(or the 5th and 8th Amendment) by the Executive and Legislative Branches."
27.) Petitioner pleads with Court that torture be declared a capital crime, like murder, prosecution for which is more of a “ministerial function”, than an exercise of prosecutorial discretion. With a capital crime the police collect evidence and the prosecutor, presented with substantial evidence, prosecutes. And with capital crimes the decision to prosecute is more ministerial than arbitrary, more routine than uncertain. Failure to prosecute for all crimes of torture grants impunity to criminal barbarians and actually encourages those sadists who want to torture. For those who are afraid or desperate in a time of war, impunity for previous instances of torture lets them consider torture as a viable outlet of their frustrations. And there are those who are self-righteous enough, or so criminally disingenuous, to whom the use of torture to elicit certain desired information, even if it be fabricated, that is, false, is justifiable, particularly when the clear boundaries established by Geneva Conventions are obviated by the Chief executive and his staff, as had occurred since 2/7/02 that excluded “war on terror” suspects(Islamic detainees) from Geneva Convention protections. (#18)
Plaintiff argues that any prosecutor who neglects to prosecute evidence of crimes of torture is committing discrimination in their prosecutorial decision-making. The Courts have cause to require prosecutors to present justifiable reasons as to why instances of possible torture that come to its attention are not prosecuted, so the court can ensure that discrimination is not affecting prosecutorial decision-making when it comes to the crime of torture. Governments must ensure that torture is not committed with impunity, for it sets precedence. All reports of torture should be promptly, independently, impartially and thoroughly investigated; decisions on whether to prosecute should be made by an independent prosecutor or investigating judge, not a political official. As the Court noted in Boumediene v. Bush, it is the "duty and authority of the Judiciary to call the jailer to account.” and, "protect against the cyclical abuses of the writ(or the 5th and 8th Amendment) by the Executive and Legislative Branches."
Individuals suspected of participating in crime of discriminatory torture should be brought to justice in fair trials; There's evidence that scores were tortured to death at the direction of Bush White House officials, and many more were permanently maimed, suffering long-term disability. Justice demands prosecution of heinous crimes.
28.) The Petitioner prays that the Court will involve itself in and remedy this issue of discrimination in prosecutorial discretion as regards the parameters the Attorney General gives the prosecutor he appoints for the investigation and prosecution of crimes of torture and concomitant felonies by US personnel, thus restoring national and international respect for the US Constitution. And the Petitioner is grateful to the Court to the serious attention it gives to this important concern.
PETITION for a WRIT of MANDAMUS
A.) Preface 1.) Suppose the White House one day, because of a monstrous crime, began a campaign of demonizing "black violence" in a prolonged series of speeches, press conferences and press releases, and issued directives to the military for soldiers to capture, abuse and torture blacks merely suspected of violence, even if some of them might be innocent. Then, as a result of these directives, many hundreds of blacks were abused and gruesomely tortured. We should be surprised if, years later, after a change in administration, when publicity about the abuse and torture of blacks and righteous public out-rage that such inhumanity and uncivilized, criminal behavior be done in the name of the United States and its honored, beloved Constitution, the responsible government officials only prosecuted several low-ranking soldiers and agents of the crimes of abuse and torture. While numerous officers and officials up the chain of command responsibility, including those persons positioned in the deliberative chambers of the White House itself. who considered and approved, then directed the cruel, dehumanizing treatment were not held accountable. Yes, earlier, because the victims were black, and the White House had been demonizing blacks in an on-going, self-serving, well-publicized campaign, the prosecution for the crimes of torture and abuse of the blacks was half-hearted and occurred only in the military, of low-rank, for the Attorney General refused to prosecute crimes of torture and abuse against White House officials, ignoring the reams of evidence, because the victims were all, after all, only blacks, as in what happened in pre-Mandela South Africa Suppose though, in this hypothetical development, the term "Jews" were substituted for "blacks", would that not resemble what happened in Nazi Germany? How about then substituting the term "Islamics” for "blacks". Would that not resemble what happened under the Bush administration at Abu Garaib and Gitmo? Wouldn't that abuse and torture, authorized and directed from the White House qualify as a discriminatory hate crime, especially deserving vigorous prosecution?
2.) In the preceding hypothetical scenario, the prosecutors were discriminatory in their prosecutorial decisions in two ways: 1st, by prosecuting only lower-ranked soldiers who implemented the illegal directives given to them, while failing to prosecute with vigor all who passed on the illegal directives, including those White House officials who instigated and directed the illegal acts of abuse and torture of captives including removing Geneva protections from Islamic detainees, thereby discriminating by class. 2nd, by failing to vigorously prosecute all involved in the criminal abuse and torture because all the victims of the abuse and torture were black, the prosecutor is showing, again, discrimination in his prosecutorial decisions. By stating that he "will not criminalize policy differences"(#1), the current Attorney General is stating his intention to continue that discrimination in prosecutorial decisions. By obviously failing to prosecute occurrences of discriminatory torture, tacit approval is given and the “foul-lines” are moved. Geneva conventions wisely insist on vigorous prosecution of all torture, without discrimination. The White House directed policy of “harsh interrogations” was torture and torture is a very serious crime and not a policy which the US Constitution and treaties signed by every civilized nation forbid, because its evil nature harms far more than the poor, tortured victim. Torture, of course, offends and distorts the minds and hearts of the victims’ family, ethnic groups, and nation, but it also offends and distorts the mind and hearts of the torturers and his nation. All society is made barbaric by torture. Torture is thus a crime against humanity, against civilization. Petitioner pleads for not only prosecution without discrimination but also that the Court direct the appropriate executive offices of the government to fulfill the government’s obligation under the Convention Against Torture providing for the full integration of education and information about the prohibition against torture into the training of law enforcement personnel, civil or military, medical personnel, public officials and others. (#2)
B.) INTRODUCTION
3.) The Attorney General's office recently revealed to reporters that he was leaning toward appointing a prosecutor within several weeks to investigate whether CIA interrogators tortured suspected terrorists beyond the rules set by President Bush’s own justice department which allowed some forms of “enhanced interrogation”, that is, torture, including water-boarding(#3) , or anticipated them before they were actually made. However, Petitioner Elliott declares that limiting the scope of criminal investigation and prosecution to agents and soldiers implementing the criminal policy while ignoring the crimes of those in the Bush administration's White House who conspired to develop and direct the crimes of torture is improper discrimination in the prosecutorial decision-making process, which is disallowed by the Court in Wayte v. United States 470 U.S. 598, "the decision to prosecute may not be 'deliberately based upon an unjustifiable standard such as race, religion, or other arbitrary classification“. Petitioner begs the Court recognize that "soldiers, agents, or White House Officials" are arbitrary classifications of individuals participating in the same criminal scheme of torture and abuse. The Attorney General's intention to discriminate has been telegraphed by Mr. Holder, when, in Congressional testimony, he stated that he "would not criminalize policy differences". Since policies are developed and directed by White House Officials, he is making it clear he intends to discriminate by class by Not prosecuting these former White House officials, even while soldiers and agents have been or are going to be prosecuted for the torture they, the same White House officials have instigated and directed. Such a stated intention by Holder fulfills the Court's requirement of Washington v. Davis, 426 US 229, showing an intention to discriminate by the Attorney General, to prove that there has been discrimination in the process of prosecutorial decision-making, disallowed by the Court in Wayte v. United States. The purpose for this discrimination has been stated publicly by the Attorney General, that is, he is concerned how prosecuting those in the Bush administration for torture will affect the President's legislative agenda. But, as the Court said in Marbury v Madison 1 Cranch 137, 177.,
"If one of the heads of departments(or government) commits any illegal act, under the color of his office, by which an individual sustains an injury, it cannot be pretended that his office alone exempts him from ...the judgment of the law".
4.) Petitioner claims further that the torture of numerous Islamic detainees, (all the hundreds, maybe thousands, of victims of US torture have been Islamic -more accurately, no victim of US torture could be found who was not Islamic), coupled with the propaganda campaign demonizing Islamics, orchestrated by the Bush White House, of hatred against "Islamic extremists" and "Islamic terrorists" constitutes hate crimes,ie. Hate Crimes Prevention Act of 2009 (H.R. 1913, HCPA) especially worthy of vigorous prosecution of all involved in the torture and abuse offenses suffered by the Islamic detainees. The Attorney General will be engaging in prosecutorial discrimination regarding the victims' Islamic religion should he follow through on the reported intention to use the flawed reasoning and interpretation contained in the widely criticized "Bybee memos" or "torture memos" of what constitutes a violation of 18 USC 2340,2340A and 2441. The Court should not allow the Attorney General the use of the flawed memos as guidance in filing indictments for crimes of torture and abuse under 18 USC 2340,2340A and 2441, lest they become legal standards, precedents for the executive in its treatment of detainees hereafter, for the flawed "torture memos" were developed at the direction of the same Bush White House officials who were orchestrating the discriminatory hate propaganda against "Islamic extremists" and "Islamic terrorists", and using them would constitute prosecutorial discrimination.(#4) These same standards of the "torture memos" have been replaced at the DOJ for their faulty legal reasoning, so they should hardly be used as a guide for determining whether laws have been broken. The United States is a nation of laws, not memos.(#4A) We must remember that the beneficiaries of the Attorney General’s prosecutorial discrimination, the presidential staff, is uniquely situated. If anyone was sincerely concerned with the legality of various interrogation methods, including the attorneys, they could have just picked up a phone and asked the The Most Honorable Chief Justice of the United States! Instead, they asked their obliging attorneys who willing to interpret the law diabolically and disingenuously as part of their criminal conspiracy. John Yoo even publicly argued there is no law that could prevent the President from ordering the torture of a child of a suspect in custody – including by crushing that child’s testicles. (#4B)
5.) Petitioner herein pleads with the Court to remedy this prosecutorial discrimination by ensuring that the Attorney General give the prosecutor he has already stated he intends to appoint for prosecution of torture crimes wide latitude and political independence, so the scope of the subsequent investigation and prosecution includes as defendants the White House officials who ordered and directed the Torture and abuse of Islamic detainees under 18 USC 2340,2340A and 2441 as well as any concomitant felonies whose enterprise was furthered by the torture of Ibn Libi and others.(#5) The scope of investigation and prosecution needs to include as well prosecution of the whole criminal enterprise of concomitant felonious crimes of fraud and perjuries that led to the war in Iraq(#8), as reports indicate that the policy of "harsh interrogations", that is, torture, began with the torture of Ibn al-Shaykh al- Libi in January of 2002 who was tortured until he told his tormentors what they wanted to hear. (#5A) He was subjected to ever-harsher interrogation techniques) that is, torture, until he fabricated a tale linking Saddam Hussein with Al Qaeda, by claiming that Saddam Hussein had offered to train two al-Qaeda operatives in the use of chemical and biological weapons to provide a justification for the Invasion of Iraq(#6)(#33). Although the Defense Department’s own Defense Intelligence Agency had concluded and informed the White House, in February 2002, that Ibn al-Libi was “intentionally misleading” his interrogators(#7), the lies he was tortured to tell endured and were used by the Bush White House policy-makers to reinforce their perjuries and fraud to Congress as justification to invade Iraq(#8) although the CIA had identified Ibn Libi as a “likely fabricator”(#9). Thus, the crimes of torture against Islamic detainees committed by Bush White House officials are a part of the same larger criminal enterprise of the perjuries and fraud that led to the Iraq war, which has cost the US its treasure and thousands of lives, so they could enrich themselves(Cheney-Halliburton), their friends(big oil and defense contractors) and their agenda.(#9A)
6.) Petitioner pleads with the Court to correct or prevent prosecutorial discrimination by the Attorney General regarding prosecution for crimes of torture and abuse of detainees. the Court needs to ensure that the "catastrophically flawed" reasoning in the "torture memos" from the Bush DOJ at the direction of Bush White House officials (#10) to justify their crimes of torture and abuse are not given legitimacy by being used as the legal parameters of the definition of torture in legal indictments by the Attorney General. Petitioner fears, and the Court should be concerned that the widely criticized torture memos would become legal standards, precedents for the executive in its treatment of detainees hereafter, should the Attorney General be allowed to use the flawed memos as guidance in filing indictments for crimes of torture and abuse (#11).
7.) Petitioner pleads that the Court needs to involve itself in defining more clearly what are the legal limits that interrogators are allowed to use with detainees in their custody. Petitioners suggests the court define limits as what would be appropriate for the treatment of one’s own children were they captured as soldiers by an enemy. Under the "Charming Betsy Rule", Murray v. Charming Betsy, 6 U.S. (2 Cranch) 64, 2 L.Ed. 208 (1804) "congressional acts must be construed in conformity with customary international law." Weinberger v Rossi, 456 U.S. 25(1982) "federal law must be interpreted consistently with international law when the federal law is ambiguous." Therefore the arguably ambiguous language in both federal statutory and common law regarding what is “extreme pain and mental stress” must be construed in conformity with the international human rights treaties and humanitarian laws of Geneva requiring states to prosecute persons for international crimes.(International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, p. 93).
A.. JURISDICTION: 8.) The United States District Court, District of Columbia has jurisdiction over the subject matter of this cause of action pursuant to the provisions of Title 28 U.S.C. 1361 -Action to compel an officer of the United States to perform his duty. Title 28 United States Code Chapter 85 Section 1331 actions arising under the Constitution, laws, or treaties of the United States, Title 28 section 1346 -the United States as defendant the district court shall have jurisdiction. Title 18 USC 7(9) With respect to offenses committed by national of the United States as that term is used in section 101 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, Title 28 USC Section 547 -each United States attorney (will) 1) prosecute for all offenses against the United States.
9.) Venue is proper in this Court pursuant to Title 28 United States Code, Chapter 87, Section 1391 - The defendant being an officer of the United States, the United States Attorney General; District of Columbia being the seat of U.S. government.
10.) Mandamus is regarded as an extraordinary writ reserved for special situations. Among its ordinary preconditions are that the agency or official have acted (or failed to act) in disregard of a clear legal duty and that there be no adequate conventional means for review. In re Bluewater Network & Ocean Advocates, 234 F.3d 1305, 1315 (D.C. Cir. 2000); Telecomm. Research & Action Ctr. v. FCC, 750 F.2d 70, 78 (D.C. Cir. 1984). Mandamus will be granted if the Petitioner shows “(1) the presence of novel and significant questions of law; (2) the inadequacy of other available remedies; and (3) the presence of a legal issue whose resolution will aid in the administration of justice”, see In re United States, 10 F.3d 229 at 931, 933 (2d Cir. 1993). Plaintiff will fulfill these requirements.Marbury v Madison 1 Cranch 137, 177 :"But where he is directed by law to do a certain act affecting the absolute rights of individuals, in the performance of which he is not placed under the particular direction of the president, and the performance of which the president cannot lawfully forbid,.......... it is not perceived on what ground the courts of the country are further excused from the duty of giving judgment," "This writ, if awarded, would be directed to an officer of government, and its mandate to him would be… to do a particular thing therein specified, which appertains to his office and duty, and which the court has previously determined or at least supposes to be consonant to right and justice." 11.) Whereas the Plaintiff petitions the Court for a writ of mandamus only as a last resort, having exhausted, to the point of harassment, appeals to the Department of Justice and Congressmen and Senators, as well as participating vigorously in the electoral process for enforcement of US and International laws torture and the prosecution of those responsible for transgressing them. And insofar as numerous organizations have also called for the prosecution of Bush White House officials for the crime of torture(#12). And because Torture is an especially heinous and vile crime, in this case, indeed, a HATE CRIME, against a religions group -Islamics, so vigorous and thorough prosecution of the crime of torture is important. Not only is torture cruel and inhuman, but it damages and undermines and sullies culture, civilization and the very psyche of an American population that endeavors to rationalize why it's own government officials and soldiers would resort to such barbaric tactics.
12.) Whereas the Defendant's prosecutorial decision process is subject to the ordinary constitutional standard of equal protection, the judiciary needs to ensure that it meets that standard. "Equal Justice Under the Law" is engraved upon the building housing the Dept. of Justice. The doctrine of separation of powers, rather than requiring unquestioning judicial deference to the Executive's prosecutorial decision-making, instead affirmatively permits the courts to assert their own constitutionally granted duty to say “what the law is" and ensuring the proper, equal administration of justice in the executive's execution of the law, including as regards discrimination in the prosecution of violations of US statutes.
13.) Under the equal protection component of the Fifth Amendment's Due Process Clause, "the decision may not be deliberately based on race, religion or other arbitrary classification," Wayte v. United States, 470 U.S. 598 “the decision to prosecute may not be 'deliberately based upon an unjustifiable standard such as race, religion, or other arbitrary classification." Petitioner begs the Court recognize that "soldiers, agents, or White House Officials" are arbitrary classifications of individuals participating in the same criminal scheme of torture and abuse.
14.) The Plaintiff notes that while 9 lower-ranking soldiers were prosecuted for implementing the White House abuse and torture policy at Abu Graib and 37 troops have been disciplined for abuse throughout the Iraq-Afghanistan theatre of war as of 12/04 (#13), none of the White House officials involved in developing and directing the abuse and torture policy have been prosecuted. Despite their geographical distance, the While House officials and the soldiers were similarly situated on the same "chain of command", though on different ends of the "chain." The US Senate Armed Services Committee said in its report of, "Attempts by senior officials to pass the buck to low-ranking soldiers while avoiding any responsibility for abuses are unconscionable. The message from top officials was clear; it was acceptable to use degrading and abusive techniques against detainees."(#14) The “senior officials”, especially those who held positions in the Bush White House must be prosecuted as well, or the US Constitution and rule of law will be diminished because of discrimination. And that, the Court cannot permit.
15.) Plaintiff Elliott acts pro se herein to decry the defendant's, Attorney General Eric Holder's, statement of discriminatory intent(called for by the Court in Washington v. Davis, 426 US 229 (1976). at his Congressional confirmation hearing, he said, "...I will not criminalize policy differences"(#15). Perhaps with the goal of protecting executive policy makers and their assumed powers from the previous administration in mind. Furthermore, by stating he “will not criminalize policy differences", Eric Holder thereby is showing intent to discriminate in his prosecution of the crime of torture. Policy is formulated and directed from the White House and that is where the policy of “enhanced interrogation”, that is, torture, originated. Soldiers involved in implementing that torture policy developed in the White House have been prosecuted and he's reportedly leaning toward prosecuting those “rogue” CIA agents who went beyond even the illegally broad guidelines in the flawed "torture memos"(#16). Clearly, by his stated intent, he is showing a discriminatory purpose or intent in his exercise of prosecutorial decisions on the basis of arbitrary classification, that is, rank in the chain of command. Holder is indicating his intention not to prosecute White House officials who kept authorizing increasingly harsh interrogation techniques although allowing for the prosecution of soldiers and agents. Such expression of "discriminatory purpose or intent" proves the discrimination of not prosecuting White House officials while allowing for the prosecution of soldiers and agents is not “incidental” , Washington v. Davis, 426 US 229 (1976).
16.) In Wayte v. United States, 470 U.S. 598 The Court recognized that prosecutor's decisions could not be based on "race, religion, or other arbitrary classification". Plaintiff prays that the Court recognize that military rank or rank of office are arbitrary classifications, so the Attorney General's decision not to investigate and prosecute suspect White House officials(#17), while soldiers of lower rank have been or, are going to be, prosecuted is discriminatory, particularly when an abundance of evidence has already become public knowledge that incriminates at least 13 principal White Houses officials. Although the Constitution grants the chief executive power to pardon those convicted of crimes, the executive is not precluded from "faithfully executing the law". Because the executive has displayed discriminatory intent and exercised discrimination in its prosecutorial discretion, the court has cause to involve itself to see that equal justice is done.
17.) The Plaintiff pleads the Court use its special power to issue a writ of mandamus by directing the Defendant Holder remedy a situation where prosecutorial discrimination has occurred in the prosecution of the detainee abuse and torture at Abu Ghraib, Gitmo and elsewhere. Thus far As the Court noted in Boumediene v. Bush, it is the
"duty and authority of the Judiciary to call the jailer to account.” and, "protect against the cyclical abuses of the writ(or the 8th Amendment) by the Executive and Legislative Branches."
*The remedy for the prosecutorial discrimination committed by the government is to widen the parameters of the Prosecutor to include consideration of the extensive evidence incriminating those Bush White House officials who developed and directed the policy of torture and abuse, just as 79 soldiers have been court-martialed(as of 4/2006)(#19) for torture as well as any concomitant felonies. President Bush told an ABC News reporter during an interview that he approved meetings of the NSC’s Principals Committee to discuss specific interrogation techniques(#20) the CIA could use against detainees. The Principals Committee included Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of State Colin Powell, CIA Director George Tenet and Attorney General Ashcroft as well as Rumsfeld and Rice.(#21)
18.) Thus far policy-makers in the White House who instigated and directed the "harsh interrogation techniques" that amounted to torture have escaped prosecution, while at least(as of 4/2006) 79 US soldiers have been court-martialed for "detainee abuse" stemming from the criminal directives and authorizations from the White House policy-makers. The Attorney General's stated intent "not to criminalize policy differences", refusing to investigate and prosecute these 13 Bush White House officials who authorized the abuse and torture, while soldiers of lower rank have been prosecuted is discriminatory, particularly when an abundance of incriminating evidence has already become public knowledge. Despite, what Rep. Conyers said is "reams of evidence incriminating White House officials".(#22)(#22A)
Colin Powell's former chief of staff, Col. Lawrence Wilkerson dropped a bombshell, “what I have learned is that as the administration authorized harsh interrogation in April and May of 2002 -well before the Justice Dept. had rendered any legal opinion -its principal priority for intelligence was not aimed at pre-empting another terrorist attack on the U.S. but discovering a smoking gun linking Iraq and al-Qa'ida.” (#23)
19.) Bush’s Feb. 7, 2002, memo prompted Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, who became the top commander in Iraq, to institute a “dozen interrogation methods beyond” the Army’s standard practice under the convention, according to a report by a panel headed by James Schlesinger on the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuses in 2004 (#24). On Dec. 2, 2002, Rumsfeld authorized “aggressive interrogation techniques,” leading to
“interrogation policies and plans approved by senior military and civilian officials [that] conveyed the message that physical pressures and degradation were appropriate treatment for detainees in U.S. military custody,”
the committee report said(#25). On January 25, 2002, then-White House counsel Alberto Gonzales advised George W. Bush in a memo to deny al-Qaeda and Taliban prisoners protections under the Geneva Conventions(#26) because doing so would "substantially reduces the threat of domestic criminal prosecution under the War Crimes Act" and "provide a solid defense to any future prosecution."(#27) This memo reveals a “cognizance of guilt” that the torture of Ibn Libi and the already intended torture of other Islamic detainees had been a violation of US and international law and that a defense needed to be manufactured to justify it.
20.) A bipartisan congressional report traces the U.S. abuse of detainees at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib to President George W. Bush’s Feb. 7, 2002, action memorandum that excluded “war on terror” suspects from Geneva Convention protections. The Senate Armed Services Committee’s report said Bush’s memo opened the door to “considering aggressive techniques,” which were then developed with the complicity of then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, Bush’s National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, and other senior officials.(#28) The 19-page report is the final installment in the Armed Services Committee’s 18-month investigation, which generated 38,000 pages of documents and relied upon the testimony of 70 people.
“The President’s order closed off application of Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions” which would have afforded minimum standards for humane treatment, to al-Qaeda or Taliban detainees. “The abuse of detainees in U.S. custody cannot simply be attributed to the actions of ‘a few bad apples’ acting on their own,” the committee report said,
“The fact is that senior officials in the United States government solicited information on how to use aggressive techniques, redefined the law to create the appearance of their legality, and authorized their use against (Islamic) detainees.”(#29)
21.) Five years ago, revelations of the torture of prisoners in Iraq at Abu Ghraib prison resulted in the prosecution of low-ranking members of a military police unit headed by then-Brigadier General Janis Karpinski, who was demoted to colonel for not having prevented abuse of detainees, despite evidence that such “extraordinary measures” had been sanctioned by commanders in Washington. Col. Janis Karpinski told Howard K. Smith,
She added that this week’s Senate report is “black and white proof” that uniformed servicemen and women were not alone responsible for the abuses.(#30) The Bush administration’s handling of the Abu Ghraib scandal drew especially sharp criticism from the Armed Services Committee chairman,
“Attempts by senior officials to pass the buck to low-ranking soldiers while avoiding any responsibility for abuses are unconscionable,” Levin said. “The message from top officials was clear; it was acceptable to use degrading and abusive techniques against detainees.”
“The abuse of detainees in U.S. custody cannot simply be attributed to the actions of ‘a few bad apples’ acting on their own,” the committee report of The Senate Armed Services Committee’s said. “The fact is that senior officials in the United States government solicited information on how to use aggressive techniques, redefined the law to create the appearance of their legality, and authorized their use against detainees.” (#31)
Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba, who led an early investigation of abuses at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq said,
“there is no longer any doubt as to whether the current(Bush) administration has committed war crimes. The only question that remains to be answered is whether those who ordered the use of torture will be held to account.” (#32)
22.) As the 2008 Senate Armed Services Committee report made clear, interrogators at Gitmo were under “pressure” to produce evidence of ties between Iraq and al Qaeda, even though they were ultimately unsuccesful.
“While we were there a large part of the time we were focused on trying to establish a link between al Qaida and Iraq and we were not successful in establishing a link between al Qaida and Iraq…the more frustrated people got in not being able to establish that link…there was more and more pressure to resort to measures that might produce more immediate results…" said Army psychiatrist Maj. Charles Burney telling Army
investigators in 2006 that interrogators at the Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, detention facility were under "pressure" to produce evidence of ties between al Qaida and Iraq.(#33)
The Bush Administration used torture to intentionally extract false confessions linking Al Qaeda (and 9/11) to Iraq, to give Bush a false "causus belli" to invade Iraq. Let’s say this slowly: the Bush administration wanted to use 9/11 as a pretext to invade Iraq, even though Iraq had nothing to do with 9/11, and in so doing they used torture to advance their aforementioned criminal conspiracy, including the perjuries and fraud which led to the US invasion of Iraq on 3/20/03. So it tortured people to make them confess to a nonexistent link, only stopping the continuing and ever-harsher torture techniques when the victims fabricated information, telling their tormentors what they wanted to hear. There’s a word for this: it’s evil…as well as felonious. A former U.S. Army psychiatrist, Maj. Charles Burney, told Army investigators in 2006 that interrogators at the Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, detention facility were under "pressure" to produce evidence of ties between al Qaida and Iraq. "The more frustrated people got in not being able to establish that link . . . there was more and more pressure to resort to measures that might produce more immediate results.", said Burney.
“The cheerleading for war had begun-a war that would fit the post-WWII Nuremberg Tribunal's description of a "war of aggression." Nuremberg defined such a war as “the supreme international crime, differing from other war crimes only in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole.” (#34)
24.) Susan J. Crawford was the convening authority of the military commissions at Guantanamo Bay. Crawford said,
"If we tolerate this and allow it, then how can we object when our servicemen and women, or others in foreign service, are captured and subjected to the same techniques? How can we complain? Where is our moral authority to complain? Well, we may have lost it." Crawford said. "I think the buck stops in the Oval Office." (#35)
70 intelligence professionals, mostly retired, who have served in virtually all U.S. civilian and military intelligence agencies say,
“You need to know that the vast majority of intelligence professionals deplore “extraordinary rendition” and the other torture procedures that were subsequently ordered by senior Bush administration officials.” (#36)
25.) America's historic values in time of war: "Treat them with humanity, and let them have no reason to Complain of our Copying the brutal example of the British Army in their treatment of our unfortunate brethren who have fallen into their hands." — George Washington, January 8, 1777,
"Military necessity does not admit of cruelty — that is, the infliction of suffering for the sake of suffering or for revenge, nor of maiming or wounding except in fight, nor of torture to extort confessions. It does not admit of the use of poison in any way, nor of the wanton devastation of a district. It admits of deception, but disclaims acts of perfidy; and, in general, military necessity does not include any act of hostility which makes the return to peace unnecessarily difficult." - Abraham Lincoln, , 1863
"Our values and the laws governing warfare teach us to respect human dignity, maintain our integrity, and do what is right. Adherence to our values distinguishes us from our enemy….Some may argue that we would be more effective if we sanctioned torture or other expedient methods to obtain information from the enemy. They would be wrong. Beyond the basic fact that such actions are illegal, history shows they also are frequently neither useful nor necessary….What sets us apart from our enemies in this fight is how we behave. In everything we do, we must observe the standards and values that dictate that we treat noncombatants and detainees with dignity and respect." General David Petraeus, Commander, U.S. military in Iraq, May 10, 2007
26.) Impunity, that is, exempting torturers from punishment, undermines the systems built up over the years to protect against torture. When society's defenses are down, any opportunistic pretext - such as the need to combat ''terrorism'', the fight against crime, or hostility to groups such as asylum-seekers - may be used as a license to torture. Impunity must also be overcome because it adds to the wrong that has been done to the victims of torture. Impunity adds insult to injury, it prolongs the original pain of torture by seeking to deny that it ever took place - a further affront to the dignity and humanity of the victim. Torture itself twists the hearts and minds of the people of the torturer as well as that of the poor victims, as people try to rationalize and justify crimes of their soldiers and government. Impunity for torturers increases the outrage and hate in the people of the victim, for it not only disrespects the victim, but allows for possible repetition of the torture with impunity, even encouraging it, as well as providing tacit approval. Intelligence officers know from experience that information obtained from torture is unreliable and very counter-productive, even dangerous, for misinformation from torture can reinforce misconceptions and bolster a criminal fraud, as the plaintiff alleges herein.
The wise jurists know that torture is usually a crime of discrimination, ie. Of black slaves, Jewish prisoners or Islamic detainees, torture is an hate crime.
A soldier or agent may feel the passion of generalized hatred for the enemy during a war. They need guidelines and the laws against torture, ie, 18 USC 2440A, Geneva and the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, to serve as boundaries, foul-lines, beyond which is forbidden behavior, which must be prosecuted, otherwise, the perceived boundaries or foul-lines are moved, or, at least, are uncertain, to the actual soldier or agent in the field. Regarding torture, especially, the need exists for the Court to mandate the prosecution of credible allegations of torture, or, at least, to require a jurisdiction’s prosecutor to show cause to the Court why evidence of such dangerous transgressions of the law are not being prosecuted. The Court needs to make clear to the executive branch, to all members of the “chain of command” exactly what is permissible custodial treatment and intelligent interrogation to say “what the law is”, Marbury v Madison . As the Court noted in Boumediene v. Bush, it is the "duty and authority of the Judiciary to call the jailer to account.” and, "protect against the cyclical abuses of the writ(or the 5th and 8th Amendment) by the Executive and Legislative Branches."
27.) Petitioner pleads with Court that torture be declared a capital crime, like murder, prosecution for which is more of a “ministerial function”, than an exercise of prosecutorial discretion. With a capital crime the police collect evidence and the prosecutor, presented with substantial evidence, prosecutes. And with capital crimes the decision to prosecute is more ministerial than arbitrary, more routine than uncertain. Failure to prosecute for all crimes of torture grants impunity to criminal barbarians and actually encourages those sadists who want to torture. For those who are afraid or desperate in a time of war, impunity for previous instances of torture lets them consider torture as a viable outlet of their frustrations. And there are those who are self-righteous enough, or so criminally disingenuous, to whom the use of torture to elicit certain desired information, even if it be fabricated, that is, false, is justifiable, particularly when the clear boundaries established by Geneva Conventions are obviated by the Chief executive and his staff, as had occurred since 2/7/02 that excluded “war on terror” suspects(Islamic detainees) from Geneva Convention protections. (#18)
Plaintiff argues that any prosecutor who neglects to prosecute evidence of crimes of torture is committing discrimination in their prosecutorial decision-making. The Courts have cause to require prosecutors to present justifiable reasons as to why instances of possible torture that come to its attention are not prosecuted, so the court can ensure that discrimination is not affecting prosecutorial decision-making when it comes to the crime of torture. Governments must ensure that torture is not committed with impunity, for it sets precedence. All reports of torture should be promptly, independently, impartially and thoroughly investigated; decisions on whether to prosecute should be made by an independent prosecutor or investigating judge, not a political official. As the Court noted in Boumediene v. Bush, it is the "duty and authority of the Judiciary to call the jailer to account.” and, "protect against the cyclical abuses of the writ(or the 5th and 8th Amendment) by the Executive and Legislative Branches."
Individuals suspected of participating in crime of discriminatory torture should be brought to justice in fair trials; There's evidence that scores were tortured to death at the direction of Bush White House officials, and many more were permanently maimed, suffering long-term disability. Justice demands prosecution of heinous crimes.
28.) The Petitioner prays that the Court will involve itself in and remedy this issue of discrimination in prosecutorial discretion as regards the parameters the Attorney General gives the prosecutor he appoints for the investigation and prosecution of crimes of torture and concomitant felonies by US personnel, thus restoring national and international respect for the US Constitution. And the Petitioner is grateful to the Court to the serious attention it gives to this important concern.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)